A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels, Volume VII
by Robert Kerr
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CHAP. IV. Continued.

SECT. XIII. Account of an expedition of the Portuguese from India to Madagascar in 1613.

XIV. Continuation of the transactions of the Portuguese in India, from 1617 to 1640: and the conclusion of the Portuguese Asia of Manuel de Faria.

XV. Occurrences in Pegu, Martavan, Pram, Siam, and other places.

XVI. A short account of the Portuguese possessions between the Cape of Good Hope and China.

CHAP. V. Voyages and Travels in Egypt, Syria, Arabia, Persia, and India. By Ludovico Verthema, in 1503.


SECT. I Of the Navigation from Venice to Alexandria in Egypt, and from thence to Damascus in Syria.

II. Of the City of Damascus.

CHAP. V. SECT. III. Of the Journey from Damascus to Mecca, and of the Manners of the Arabians.

IV. Observations of the Author during his residence at Mecca.

V. Adventures of the Author in various parts of Arabia Felix, or Yemen.

VI. Observations of the Author relative to some parts of Persia.

VII. Observations of the Author on various parts of India.

VIII. Account of the famous City and Kingdom of Calicut.

IX. Observations on various parts of India.

X. Continuation of the Authors Adventures, after his return to Calicut.

XI. Account of a memorable Battle between the Mahometan Navy of Calicut and the Portuguese.

XII. Navigation of the Author to Ethiopia, and return to Europe by Sea.

CHAP. VI. Voyages and Travels of Cesar Frederick in India.


SECT. I. Voyage from Venice to Bir in Asia Minor.

II. Of Feluchia and Babylon.

III. Of Basora.

IV. Of Ormuz.

V. Of Goa, Diu, and Cambaya.

VI. Of Damann, Bassen, Tana, Chaul, and some other places.

VII. Of Goa.

VIII. Of the City of Bijanagur.

IX. Of Cochin.

X. Of the Pearl Fishery in the Gulf of Manaar.

XI. Of the Island of Ceylon.

XII. Of Negapatam.

XIII. Of Saint Thome and other places.

XIV. Of the Island of Sumatra and the City of Malacca.

XV. Of the City of Siam.

XVI. Of the Kingdom of Orissa and the River Ganges.

XVII. Of Tanasserim and other places.

Sect. XVIII. Of Martaban and the Kingdom of Pegu.

XIX. Voyages of the Author to different parts of India.

XX. Some Account of the Commodities of India.

XXI. Return of the Author to Europe.

CHAP. VII. Early English Voyages to Guinea, and other parts of the West Coast of Africa.


SECT. I. Second Voyage of the English to Barbary, in the year 1552, by Captain Thomas Windham.

II. A Voyage from England to Guinea and Benin in 1553, by Captain Windham and Antonio Anes Pinteado.

III. Voyage to Guinea, in 1554, by Captain John Lok.

IV. Voyage to Guinea in 1555, by William Towerson, Merchant of London.

V. Second Voyage to Guinea in 1556, by William Towerson.

VI. Third Voyage of William Towerson to Guinea in 1558.

VII. Notices of an intended Voyage to Guinea, in 1561.

VIII. Voyage to Guinea in 1562, written by William Rutter.

IX. Supplementary Account of the foregoing Voyage.

X. Voyage to Guinea in 1563 by Robert Baker.

XI. A Voyage to Guinea in 1564, by Captain David Carlet.

XII. A Voyage to Guinea and the Cape de Verd Islands in 1566, by George Fenner.

XIII. Embassy of Mr Edmund Hogan to Morocco in 1577, written by himself.

XIV. Embassy of Henry Roberts from Queen Elizabeth to Morocco, in 1585, written by himself.

SECT. XV. Voyage to Benin beyond Guinea in 1588, by James Welsh.

XVI. Supplement to the foregoing Voyage, in a Letter from Anthony Ingram the chief factor, written from Plymouth to the Owners, dated 9th September, the day of arriving at Plymouth.

XVII. Second Voyage of James Welsh to Benin, in 1590.

VIII. Voyage of Richard Rainolds and Thomas Dassel to the Rivers Senegal and Gambia adjoining to Guinea, in 1591.

CHAP. VIII. Some miscellaneous early Voyages of the English.


SECT. I. Gallant escape of the Primrose from Bilboa in Spain, in 1585.

II. Voyage of Sir Francis Drake, in 1585, to the West Indies.

III. Cruising Voyage to the Azores by Captain Whiddon, in 1586, written by John Evesham.

IV. Brief relation of notable service performed by Sir Francis Drake in 1587.

V. Brief account of the Expedition of the Spanish Armada in 1588.

VI. Account of the Relief of a part of the Spanish Armada, at Anstruther in Scotland, in 1588.

VII. A cruising Voyage to the Azores in 1589, by the Earl of Cumberland.

VIII. Valiant Sea Fight by Ten Merchant Ships of London against Twelve Spanish Gallies, in the Straits of Gibraltar, on the 24th April 1590.

IX. A valiant Sea Fight in the Straits of Gibraltar, in April 1591, by the Centurion of London, against five Spanish Gallies.

X. Sea-Fight near the Azores, between the Revenge man of war, commanded by Sir Richard Granville, and fifteen Spanish men of war, 31st August 1591. Written by Sir Walter Raleigh.

SECT. XI. Note of the Fleet of the Indies, expected in Spain this year 1591; with the number that perished, according to the examination of certain Spaniards, lately taken and brought to England.

XII. Report of a Cruizing Voyage to the Azores in 1581, by a fleet of London ships sent with supplies to the Lord Thomas Howard. Written by Captain Robert Flicke.

XIII. Exploits of the English in several Expeditions and cruizing Voyages from 1589 to 1592; extracted from John Huighen van Linschoten.

XIV. Cruising voyage to the Azores, in 1592, by Sir John Burrough, knight.

XV. The taking of two Spanish Ships, laden with quicksilver and the Popes bulls, in 1592, by Captain Thomas White.

XVI. Narrative of the Destruction of a great East India Carak in 1584, written by Captain Nicholas Downton.

XVII. List of the Royal Navy of England at the demise of Queen Elizabeth.

CHAP IX. Early Voyages of the English to the East Indies, before the establishment of an exclusive company.

SECT. I. Voyage to Goa in 1579, in the Portuguese fleet, by Thomas Stevens.


II. Journey to India over-land, by Ralph Fitch, Merchant of London, and others, in 1583.

III. Supplement to the Journey of Fitch No. 1.—Letter from Mr John Newbery to Mr Richard Hakluyt of Oxford, Author of the Voyages, &c.

No. 2,—Letter from Mr John Newbery to Mr Leonard Poore of London.

3.—Letter from Mr John Newbery to the same.

4.—Letter from John Newbery to Messrs John Eldred and William Scales at Basora.

5.—Letter from Mr John Newbery to Messrs Eldred and Scales.

6.—Letter from Mr Newbery to Mr Leonard Poore.

7.—Letter from Mr Ralph Fitch to Mr Leonard Poore.

8.—The Report of John Huighen, &c.


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Account of an Expedition of the Portuguese from India to Madagascar in 1613.

Being anxious to find out a considerable number of Portuguese who were reported to exist in the island of St. Lawrence or Madagascar, having been cast away at different times on that island, and also desirous of propagating the ever blessed gospel among its inhabitants, and to exclude the Hollanders from that island by establishing a friendly correspondence with the native princes, the viceroy Don Jerome de Azevedo sent thither, in 1613, a caravel from Goa commanded by Paul Rodrigues de Costa, accompanied by two Jesuits, some interpreters, and a competent number of soldiers. This island is about 260 leagues in length and 600 in circumference[1], its greatest extent being from N.N.E. to S.S.W. It is 80 leagues from E. to W. where widest, but considerably less towards the north, where it ends in a point named St Ignatius which is about 15 leagues from east to west[2]. It may be considered as divided into three parts. The first or northern portion is divided from the other two by an imaginary line from east to west at Cape St Andrew[3]. The other two divisions are formed by a chain of mountains running nearly south from this line to Cape St Romanus, otherwise Cape St Mary, but much nearer the east coast than the west. The island is divided into a great number of kingdoms, but so confusedly and ill-defined, that it were endless to enumerate them. It is very populous, the inhabitants having many cities and towns of different extent and grandeur[4]. The country is fertile and well watered, and everywhere diversified with mountains, vallies, rivers, bays, and ports. The natives have no general name for the island, and are entirely ignorant of those of Madagascar and St Lawrence, which are given to it by strangers. The general population of the island consists of a nation called Buques, who have no religion and consequently no priests or places of worship, yet all their youth are circumcised at six or seven years old, any one performing the operation. The natives are not all of one colour; some being quite black with crisp or curled hair like negroes; others not quite so black with lank hair; others again resembling mulatoes; while some that live in the interior are almost white, yet have hair of both kinds. They are of large stature, strong and well made, of clear judgment, and apt to learn. Every man has as many wives as he pleases or can maintain, turning them off at pleasure, when they are sure to find other husbands, all of whom buy their wives from their fathers, by way of repaying the expence of their maintenance before marriage. Their funeral obsequies consist chiefly in feasting the guests; and their mourning in laying aside all appearance of joy, and cutting off their hair or daubing their faces and bodies with clay. Their government is monarchical, their kings or chiefs being called Andias, Anrias, and Dias, all independent of each other and almost continually engaged in war, more for the purpose of plunder than slaughter or conquest. On the Portuguese going among them, no arms were found in their possession except a few guns they had procured from the Moors and Hollanders, which they knew not how to use, and were even fearful of handling. They have excellent amber[5], white sandal, tortoises, ebony, sweet woods of various kinds, and abundance of slaves, with plenty of cattle of all kinds, the flesh of their goats being as sweet as mutton. The island likewise produces abundance of sea cows, sea-horses, monkeys, and some say tigers, with a great many snakes which are not very venomous. It has no elephants, horses, asses, lions, bears, deer, foxes, nor hares.

[Footnote 1: Madagascar, between the latitudes of 12 deg. 30' and 35 deg. 45' S. and the longitudes of 44 deg. and 53 deg. W. from Greenwich, rather exceeds 1000 statute miles from N.N.W to S.S.E. and is about 220 miles in mean width from east to west. This island therefore, in a fine climate, capable of growing all the tropical productions in perfection, and excellently situated for trade, extends to about 200,000 square miles, or 128 millions of acres, yet is abandoned entirely to ignorant barbarians.—E.]

[Footnote 2: The north end of Madagascar, called the point of St Ignatius, is 70 miles from east to west, the eastern headland being Cape Natal or de Ambro, and the western Cape St Sebastian.—E.]

[3][Footnote 3: 3 Cape Antongil on the east coast is probably here meant, in lat. 15 deg. 45' S. as at this place the deep bay of Antongil or Manghabei penetrates about 70 mile inland, and the opposite coast also is deeply indented by port Massali. It is proper to mention however, that Cape St Andrew is on the west coast of Madagascar, in lat. 17 deg. 12' S.—E.]

[Footnote 4: There may be numerous villages, or collections of huts, in Madagascar, and some of these may possibly be extensive and populous; but there certainly never was in that island any place that merited the name of a city.—E.]

[Footnote 5: More probably Ambergris thrown on their shores.—E.]

The first place visited by de Costa on this voyage of discovery was a large bay near Masilage[6] in lat. 16 deg. S. in which there is an island half a league in circumference containing a town of 8000 inhabitants, most of them weavers of an excellent kind of stuff made of the palm-tree. At this place the Moors used to purchase boys who were carried to Arabia and sold for infamous uses. The king of this place, named Samamo, received the Portuguese in a friendly manner, and granted leave to preach the gospel among his subjects. Coasting about 40 leagues south from this place, they came to the mouth of a large river named Balue or Baeli in about 17 deg. S. and having doubled Cape St Andrew, they saw the river and kingdom of Casame, between the latitudes of 17 deg. and 18 deg. S. where they found little water and had much trouble[7]. Here also amity was established with the king, whose name was Sampilla, a discreet old man; but hitherto they could get no intelligence of the Portuguese whom they were sent in search of. On Whitsunday, which happened that year about the middle of May, mass was said on shore and two crosses erected, at which the king appeared so much pleased that he engaged to restore them if they happened to fall or decay. During the holidays they discovered an island in lat. 18 deg. S. to which they gave the name of Espirito Santo[8], and half a degree farther they were in some danger from a sand bank 9 leagues long. On Trinity Sunday, still in danger from sand banks, they anchored at the seven islands of Cuerpo de Dios or Corpus Christi[9] in 19 deg. S. near the kingdom and river of Sadia to which they came on the 19th of June, finding scarcely enough of water to float the caravel. This kingdom is extensive, and its principal city on the banks of the river has about 10,000 inhabitants. The people are black, simple, and good-natured, having no trade, but have plenty of flesh, maize, tar, tortoises, sandal, ebony, and sweet woods. The name of the king was Capilate, who was an old man much respected and very honest. He received the Portuguese kindly, and even sent his son to guide them along the coast. All along this coast from Massalage to Sadia the natives speak the same language with the Kafrs on the opposite coast of Africa; while in all the rest of the island the native language called Buqua is spoken.

[Footnote 6: On this bay is a town called New Massah to distinguish it from Old Massah on the bay of Massali, somewhat more than half a degree farther north. Masialege or Meselage is a town at the bottom of the bay of Juan Mane de Cuna, about half a degree farther south.—E.]

[Footnote 7: They were here on the bank of Pracel, which seems alluded to in the text from the shallowness of the water; though the district named Casame in the text is not to be found in modern maps—E.]

[Footnote 8: Probably the island of the bay of St Andrew in 17 deg. 30' is here meant; at any rate it must be carefully distinguished from Spiritu Santo, St Esprit, or Holy Ghost Island, one of the Comoros in lat. 15 deg. S.—E.]

[Footnote 9: Perhaps those now called barren isles on the west coast, between lat. 18 deg. 40' and 19 deg. 12' S. The river Sadia of the text may be that now called Santiano in lat. 19 deg. S.—E.]

Continuing towards the south they came to the country of the Buques, a poor and barbarous people feeding on the spawn of fish, who are much oppressed by the kings of the inland tribes. Passing the river Mane[10], that of Saume[11] in 20 deg. 15'; Manoputa in 20 deg. 30', where they first heard of the Portuguese; Isango in 21 deg.; Terrir in 21 deg. 30'; the seven islands of Elizabeth in 22 deg.; they came on the 11th of July into the port of St Felix[12] in 22 deg., where they heard again of the Portuguese of whom they were in search, from Dissamuta the king of that part of the country. On offering a silver chain at this place for some provisions, the natives gave it to an old woman to examine if it was genuine, and she informed the Portuguese that at the distance of three days journey there was an island inhabited a long while before by a white people dressed like the Portuguese and wearing crosses hanging from their necks, who lived by rapine and easily took whatever they wanted, as they were armed with spears and guns, with which information the Portuguese were much gratified. Continuing their voyage past the bay of St Bonaventura and the mouth of the river Massimanga, they entered the bay of Santa Clara, where Diamassuto came to them and entered into a treaty of friendship, worshipping the cross on his knees. They were here told that white people frequented a neighbouring port, and concluded that they were Hollanders. Going onwards they found banks of sand not laid down in any chart, and entered a port in lat. 24 deg. S. The king of this place was named Diacomena, and they here learnt that there were Portuguese on the opposite coast who had been cast away, and now herded cattle for their subsistence. They said likewise that the Hollanders had been three times at their port, and had left them four musketeers with whose assistance they had made war upon their enemies. On some trees there were several inscriptions, among which were the following. Christophorus Neoportus Anglus Cap. and on another Dominus Robertus Scherleius Comes, Legatus Regis Persarum.

[Footnote 10: It is singular that the large circular bay of Mansitare in lat. 19 deg. 30' S. is not named, although probably meant by the river Mane in the text.—E.]

[Footnote 11: Now called Ranoumanthe, discharging its waters into the bay of St Vincents.—E.]

[Footnote 12: Now Port St James.—E.]

In the latitude of 25 deg. S. they entered a port which they named St Augustine[13] in a kingdom called Vavalinta, of which a Buque named Diamacrinale was king, who no sooner saw the Portuguese than he asked if these were some of the men from the other coast. This confirmed the stories they had formerly heard respecting the Portuguese, and they were here informed that the place at which they dwelt was only six days sail from that place. In September they got sight of Cape Romain or St Mary the most southern point of Madagascar, where they spent 40 days in stormy weather, and on St Lukes day, 18th October, they entered the port of that name in the kingdom of Enseroe. The natives said that there were white people who wore crosses, only at the distance of half a days journey, who had a large town, and Randumana the king came on board the caravel, and sent one of his subjects with a Portuguese to shew him where these white people dwelt, but the black ran away when only half way.

[Footnote 13: In lat. 23 deg. 30' or directly under the tropic of Capricorn, is a bay now called St Augustine. If that in the text, the latitude 1s erroneous a degree and a half.—E.]

Among others of the natives who came to this place to trade with the Portuguese, was a king named Bruto Chembanga with above 500 fighting men. His sons were almost white, with long hair, wearing gowns and breeches of cotton of several colours with silver buttons and bracelets and several ornaments of gold, set with pearls and coral. The territory of this king was named Matacassi, bordering on Enseroe to the west. He said that the Portuguese were all dead, who not far from that place had built a town of stone houses, where they worshipped the cross, on the foot or pedestal of which were unknown characters. He drew representations of all these things on the sand, and demanded a high reward for his intelligence. Some of his people wore crosses, and informed the Portuguese that there were two ships belonging to the Hollanders in port St Lucia or Mangascafe. In a small island at this place there was found a square stone fort[14], and at the foot of it the arms of Portugal were carved on a piece of marble, with this inscription


[Footnote 14: This is unintelligible as it stands in the text. It may possibly have been a square stone pedestal for one of the crosses of discovery, that used to be set up by the Portuguese navigators as marks of possession.—E.]

Many conjectures were formed to account for the signification of the circle between the two last letters of this inscription, but nothing satisfactory could be discovered. King Chembanga requested that a Portuguese might be sent along with him to his residence, to treat upon some important affairs, and left his nephew as an hostage for his safe return. Accordingly the master, Antonio Gonzales, and one of the priests named Pedro Freyre, were sent; who, at twelve leagues distance, came to his residence called Fansaria, a very populous and magnificent place. At first he treated them with much kindness, after which he grew cold towards them, but on making him a considerable present he became friendly, and even delivered to them his eldest son to be carried to Goa, desiring that the two Jesuits and four other Portuguese might be left as hostages, to whom he offered the island of Santa Cruz to live in. These people are descended from the Moors, and call themselves Zelimas; they have the alcoran in Arabic, and have faquirs who teach them to read and write; they are circumcised, eat no bacon, and some of them have several wives. The king said that in the time of his father a ship of the Portuguese was cast away on this coast, from which about 100 men escaped on shore, some of whom had their wives along with them, and the rest married there and left a numerous progeny. He repeated several of their names, and even showed a book in Portuguese and Latin which had belonged to them, and some maps; and concluded by saying that there were more Portuguese on that coast, seven days journey to the north. On farther inquiry, a man 90 years of age was found, who had known the Portuguese that were cast away there, and could still remember a few detached words of their language.

The Portuguese set all hands to work to build a house and chapel for the two Jesuits and four Portuguese who were to remain, and when the work was finished, mass was solemnly said on shore, many of the natives coming to learn how to make the sign of the cross. One day while the king was looking on, and saw several men labouring hard to carry a cross that was meant to be set upon a rock, he went half naked and bareheaded, and carried it without assistance to the place appointed. The Portuguese might well say they had found another emperor Heraclius; for after this pious act of gigantic strength, he became very wicked; for being ready to sail, De Costa demanded that the king's son who had been promised should be sent, but he denied having ever made any such promise, and offered a slave. On this the captain sent the master and pilot with some men to enforce the demand, and safe conduct for some Portuguese to go to port St Lucia to see an inscription said by the natives to be at that place. The peace was thus broken, and a party of Portuguese soldiers was sent armed against the king, who endeavoured to resist, and the king's son, a youth of eleven years of age was brought away, the natives being unable to contend against fire-arms. Several messages were sent offering a high ransom for the boy; but on being told by the captain that he would lose his head if he did not carry him to the viceroy, they went away much grieved. This happened about the end of 1613; and towards the middle of 1614, de Costa arrived safe at Goa with the boy, whom the viceroy caused to be instructed in Christianity by the jesuits, and stood god-father at his baptism on St Andrews day, when he was named Andrew Azevedo.

The viceroy treated him with much honour and magnificence, in hopes that when he succeeded to his father, he might encourage the propagation of the gospel in Madagascar; and when he was supposed to be sufficiently instructed, he was sent away, accompanied by four Jesuits. On this occasion a pink and caravel were sent to Madagascar, commanded by Pedro de Almeyda Cabral, and Juan Cardoso de Pina, who sailed from Goa on the 17th of September 1616. On the 20th of March 1617, they discovered a most delightful island, watered with pure springs, and producing many unknown plants besides others already known, both aromatic and medicinal. To this island, in which were two mountains which overtopped the clouds, they gave the name of Isola del Cisne or swan island, and on it the jesuits planted some crosses and left inscriptions commemorative of the discovery[15]. The wreck of two ships of the Hollanders were found on this island. On the arrival of the two Portuguese ships in the port of St Lucia in Madagascar, the king and queen of Matacassi received their son with the strongest demonstrations of joy, and gave back the hostages left on taking him away. The four jesuits with six soldiers accompanied the young prince to his father's court at Fansaria, where, and at every place through which he passed, he was received with demonstrations of joy, which to the Portuguese seemed ridiculous, as no doubt those used by the Portuguese on similar occasions would have appeared to them. The king made a similar agreement with the two commanders on this voyage with that formerly made with De Costa, which was that the fathers should inhabit the inland of Santa Cruz and have liberty to preach the gospel in Madagascar. Upon this the fathers went to the fort at Santa Cruz, where Don Andrew, the king's son, sent them workmen and provisions.

[Footnote 15: The text gives no indication by which even to conjecture the situation of this island, unless that being bound towards the southern part of the east coast of Madagascar, it may possibly have been either the isle of France, or that of Bourbon.—E.]

The captain, Pedro de Almeyda, had orders to bring another of the king's sons to Goa, and if refused to carry one away by force; but the king declared that he had only one other son, who was too young for the voyage, on which Almeyda satisfied himself with Anria Sambo, the king's nephew, who was carried to Goa, and baptized by the name of Jerome. When sufficiently instructed in the Christian religion, he was sent back to his country in a pink, commanded by Emanuel de Andrada, together with two Jesuits, 100 soldiers, and presents for the king and prince, worth 4000 ducats. They set out in the beginning of February 1618; and being under the necessity of watering at the Isola de Cisne, they found three ships sunk at the mouth of the river. On landing, twenty Hollanders were found about two leagues from the shore, guarding the goods they had saved from the wreck. They made some opposition, but were forced to submit to superior numbers, and were found to have a large quantity of cloves, pepper, arms, ammunition, and provisions. Andrada carried the prisoners, and as many of the valuable commodities on board his pink as it could contain, and set fire to the rest, though the Hollanders alleged that they had come from the Moluccas, with a regular pass.

When Andrada arrived in the port of St Lucia, the two Jesuits came to him both sick, declaring that it was impossible to live in that country, where all the men who had been left along with them had died. Andrada sent the letters with which he was intrusted to the king and prince, by the servants of Don Jerome; and in return, the king sent 100 fat oxen, with a great quantity of fowls and honey, and six slaves, but would not come himself, and it was found that his son had reverted to Mahometanism. The tribes in Madagascar called Sadias and Fansayros are Mahometan Kafrs[16], and are attached to the liberty allowed by the law of Mahomet, of having a plurality of wives. The king was of the Fansayro tribe, and was now desirous to destroy Andrada and the Portuguese by treachery; incited to this change of disposition by a Chingalese slave belonging to the Jesuits, who had run away, and persuaded the king, that the Portuguese would deprive him of his kingdom, as they had already done many of the princes in Ceylon and India. The Kafrs came accordingly to the shore in great numbers, and began to attack the Portuguese with stones and darts, but were soon put to flight by the fire-arms, and some of them slain, whose bodies were hung upon trees as a warning to the rest, and one of their towns was burnt.

[Footnote 16: In strict propriety, this expression is a direct contradiction, is Kafr is an Arabic word signifying unbelievers; but having been long employed as a generic term for the natives of the eastern coast of Africa, from the Hottentots to the Moors of Zeyla exclusively, we are obliged to employ the ordinary language.—E.]

Andrada carried away with him Don Jerome, the king's nephew, and a brother of his who was made prisoner in a skirmish with the natives, who was converted, and died at Goa. All the Jesuits agreed to desist from the mission of Madagascar, and departed along with Andrada much against his inclination; and thus ended the attempt to convert the natives of Madagascar to the Christian religion.


Continuation of the Transactions of the Portuguese in India, from 1617 to 1640; and the conclusion of the Portuguese Asia of Manuel de Faria.

Towards the end of 1617, Don Juan Coutinno, count of Redondo, came to Goa, as viceroy, to succeed Azevedo. During this year, three ships and two fly-boats, going from Portugal for India, were intercepted near the Cape of Good Hope by six English ships, when the English admiral declared that he had orders from his sovereign to seize effects of the Portuguese to the value of 70,000 crowns, in compensation for the injury done by the late viceroy Azevedo to the four English ships at Surat. Christopher de Noronha, who commanded the Portuguese ships, immediately paid the sum demanded by the English admiral, together with 20,000 crowns more to divide among his men. But Noronha, on his arrival at Goa, was immediately put under an arrest by the viceroy, for this pusillanimous behaviour, and was sent home prisoner to Lisbon, to answer for his conduct.

In the year 1618, the Moor who had been seen long before, at the time when Nunno de Cunna took Diu, and was then upwards of 300 years old, died at Bengal now 60 years older, yet did not appear more than 60 years old at his death. In 1619, a large wooden cross, which stood on one of the hills which overlook Goa, was seen by many of the inhabitants of that city, on the 23d of February, to have the perfect figure of a crucified man upon it. The truth of this having been ascertained by the archbishop, he had it taken down, and got made from it a smaller cross, only two spans long, on which was fixed a crucified Jesus of ivory, and the whole surrounded by a golden glory; the rest of the cross being distributed to the churches and persons of quality. Ten days after this cross was removed, water gushed from the hole in which it was formerly fixed, in which cloths being dipped wrought many miraculous cures. A church was built on the spot to commemorate the miracle. At this time it was considered, in an assembly of the principal clergy, whether the threads, worn by the bramins across their shoulders, were a heathenish superstition or only a mark of their nobility, and, after a long debate, it was determined to be merely an honourable distinction. The reason of examining this matter was, that many of the bramins refused to embrace the Christian faith, because obliged to renounce these threads.

In November 1619, the count of Redondo died; and, by virtue of a patent of succession, Ferdinand de Albuquerque became governor-general, being now 70 years of age, 40 of which he had been an inhabitant of Goa, and consequently was well versed in the affairs of India, but too slow in his motions for the pressing occasions of the time. During his administration, the Portuguese were expelled from Ormuz by the sultan of Shiras, assisted by six English ships.

In July 1620, the Hollanders were desirous of gaining possession of the city of Macao in China, and appeared before it in seventeen ships, or, as some say, twenty-three, having 2000 soldiers on board, and were likewise in hopes of taking the fleet at that place, which was bound for Japan, having already taken several Portuguese and Chinese ships near the Philippine islands. After battering the fort of St Francis for five days, the Dutch admiral, Cornelius Regers, landed 800 men, with which he got possession of a redoubt or entrenchment, with very little opposition. He then marched to take possession of the city, not then fortified, where he did not expect any resistance; but Juan Suarez Vivas, taking post on some strong ground with only 160 men, defeated the Hollanders and compelled them to return precipitately to their ships, leaving 300 of their men slain, seven only with the colours and one piece of cannon being taken, and they threw away all their arms to enable them to swim off to their ships. In the mean while, the ships continued to batter the fort, but were so effectually answered that some of them were sunk and sixty men slain. After this the enemy abandoned the enterprise, and the citizens of Macao built a wall round the city with six bastions; and, as the mountain of our Lady of the Guide commanded the bastion of St Paul, a fort was constructed on its summit armed with ten large guns.

We have formerly mentioned the destruction of the Portuguese cities of Liampo and Chincheo, in China, through their own bad conduct. From that time, they lived in the island of Lampazau till the year 1557, when they were permitted to build the city Macao, the largest belonging to the Portuguese in the east after Goa. They had been in use to resort to the island of Sanchuan, on the coast of China, for trade, where they lived in huts made of boughs of trees, and covered with sails during their stay. At this time, the island of Goaxama, eighteen leagues nearer the coast of China, being wild and mountainous, was the resort of robbers who infested the neighbouring part of the continent, and, as the Chinese considered the Portuguese a more tolerable evil than these outlaws, they offered them that island on condition of extirpating the nest of thieves. The Portuguese undertook this task, and succeeded without losing a man. Then every one began to build where he liked best, as there were no proprietors to sell the land, which now sells at a dear rate. The trade and reputation of this city increasing, it soon became populous, containing above 1000 Portuguese inhabitants all rich; and as the merchants usually give large portions with their daughters, many persons of quality used to resort thither in search of wives. Besides these, there are a number of Chinese inhabitants who are Christians, who are clothed and live after the manner of the Portuguese; and about 6000 heathens, who are artificers, shop-keepers, and merchants. The duties of ships trading from thence to Japan, amount to 300,000 Xeraphins, at 10 per cent, being about equal to as many pieces-of-eight, or Spanish dollars[17]. The yearly expence of the garrison and repairs of the fortifications is above 40,000 ducats. A similar sum is paid yearly for duties at the fair of Quantung, or Canton. The Japan voyage, including presents to the King and Tonos, and the expence of the embassy, costs 25,000. The Misericordia expends about 9000 in charity, as the city maintains two hospitals, three parish churches, and five monasteries, besides sending continual alms to the Christians in China, Hainan, Japan, Tonkin, Cochin-china, Cambodia, and Siam.

[Footnote 17: The xeraphin, as formerly mentioned, being 5s. 9d., this yearly revenue amounted to L.52,250 sterling. But the state of Macao, in the text, refers to what it was 150 years ago. It is still inhabited by Portuguese, and remains a useless dependence on Portugal, owing its principal support to the residence of the British factory for the greater part of the year.—E.]

Albuquerque governed India from the end of 1619, to the month of September 1622, during all which time so little care was taken in Spain of the affairs of Portuguese India that he did not receive a single letter from the king. In every thing relating to the civil government he was equal to any of his predecessors, but was unfortunate in military affairs, especially in the loss of Ormuz. In 1621, Don Alfonso de Noronna was nominated viceroy of India; but sailing too late, was driven back to Lisbon, being the last viceroy appointed by the pious Philip III. On the news coming to Lisbon, of the shameful surrender of the city of Bahia, in the Brazils, to the Hollanders, without considering his age, quality, and rank, he listed as a private soldier for that service, an instance of bravery and patriotism deserving of eternal fame, and an example that had many followers.

Don Francisco de Gama, Count of Vidugueyra, who had been much hated as viceroy of India, and sore affronted at his departure, as formerly related, always endeavoured to obtain that command a second time, not for revenge, as some asserted, but to satisfy the world that he had been undeservedly ill used. At length he obtained his desire, after twenty years solicitation, upon the accession of Philip IV. of Spain. He sailed from Lisbon on the 18th of March 1622, with four ships. On the coast of Natal, a flash of lightning struck his ship, and burnt his colours, but killed no one. Under the line two of his ships left him, and arrived at Goa in the end of August; another ship staid behind, and it was thought they shunned his company designedly. At this time six Dutch ships plied near the islands or Angoxa, or the Comoros, one of which perished in pursuit of a Portuguese ship; and while standing on for Mozambique, the viceroy encountered the other five, on the 22d of June. His other ships had now joined him, and a terrible battle ensued, which fell heaviest on the vice-admiral, whose ship was entirely disabled, but the viceroy and Francisco Lobo rescued and brought him off; yet the ship was so much battered that it sunk, some men and part of the money on board being saved, but some of the men fell into the hands of the enemy. Night coming on, the ships of the viceroy and Lobo were cast upon certain sands and lost, when they saved what goods, rigging, ammunition, and cannon they were able, and burnt the rest, to prevent them from falling into the hands of the enemy. The viceroy shipped all the goods that were saved on board some galliots, with what men they could contain, and went to Cochin, whence he went to Goa in September. On seeing him replaced in the dignity of viceroy, his enemies were terrified lest he might revenge the affronts formerly given him, but he behaved with unexpected moderation. He wished to have punished Simon de Melo, and Luis de Brito, for the shameful loss of Ormuz. Melo had fled to the Moors, and Brito was in prison; so that he only was punished capitally, and the other was hung in effigy.

About the year 1624, some of the Portuguese missionaries penetrated into the country of Thibet, in which are the sources of the river Ganges. The natives are well inclined, and of docile dispositions; zealous of their salvation, and value much the devotions enjoined them by their priests, called Lamas, who profess poverty and celibacy, and are much given to prayer. They have churches and convents like the most curious of those in Europe, and have some knowledge of the Christian religion, but mixed with many errors, and with strange customs and ceremonies; yet it plainly appears that they had formerly the light of the true gospel[18]; and they abhor the Mahometans and idolaters, being easily converted to the Christian faith. The habit of the Lamas is a red cassock, without sleeves, leaving their arms bare, girt with a piece of red cloth, of which the ends hang down to their feet. On their shoulders they wear a striped cloth, which they say was the dress of the Son of God; and they have a bottle of water hung at their girdle. They keep two fasts, during the principal of which they eat but once a day, and do not speak a word, using signs on all necessary occasions. During the other fast they eat as often as they have a mind, but use flesh only at one meal The people are called to prayers by the sound of trumpets, some of which are made of dead men's bones; and they use human skulls as drinking-vessels. Of other bones they make beads, which they allege is to remind them of death. The churches are only opened twice a year, when the votaries walk round the outside three times in procession, and then go in to reverence the images, some of which are of angels, called by them Las, the greatest being the one who intercedes with God for the souls of men. This being represented with the devil under his feet, was supposed by the missionaries to be St Michael the archangel. It is not unworthy of remark, that the word Lama, signifying priest, begins with La, which means an angel. The young Lamas go about the towns, dancing to the sound of bells and other noisy instruments of music; which, they say, is in imitation of the angels, who are painted by the Christians as singing in choirs.

[Footnote 18: Wherever any coincidence appears in the ceremonies and externals of the heathen worship, the zealous catholics are eager to conceive that these have been borrowed from Christianity; unconscious that their own mummeries have all been borrowed from heathen worship, and superadded to the rational purity of primitive Christianity,—E.]

At the beginning of every month a procession is made in which are carried black flags and the figures of devils, and attended by drums and music, which they believe chases away the devils. They use holy water, which is consecrated with many prayers, having gold coral and rice put into it, and is used for driving devils from their houses. The country people bring black horses, cows and sheep, over which the Lamas say many prayers, as it is alleged the devils endeavour to get into cattle of a black colour. They cure the sick by blowing on the part affected. They have three different kinds of funerals, according to the star which rules at the time of death. In one the body is buried in a tomb adorned with gilded pyramids. In another the body is burnt and the ashes being mixed with clay are formed into images by which they swear. In the last, which is reckoned the most honourable, the body is exposed to be devoured by certain birds resembling cranes. These three forms are used with such as have spent good lives, but others are cut in pieces and thrown to the dogs. They believe that the good go directly to heaven, and the bad to hell; while such as are indifferent remain in an intermediate state, whence their souls return to animate noble or base creatures according to their deserts. They give their children the names of filthy beasts, at the recommendation of their priests, that the devil may be loth to meddle with them. They believe in one God in Trinity; the son having become a man and died, yet is now in heaven. God equal with the father, yet man at the same time; and that his mother was a woman who is now in heaven: And they compute the time of the death of the son nearly as we do the appearance of the Redeemer on earth. They believe in a hell as we do, and burn lamps that God may light them in the right road in the other world: Yet do they use divination after a ridiculous manner. The country of Thibet produces several fruits of the same kinds with those grown in Europe, together with rice and wheat, and has abundance of cattle; but a great part of the land is barren.

The Jesuit fathers Andrada and Marquez went from Delhi in the country of the Great Mogul to Thibet along with a caravan of pilgrims that were going to visit a famous pagoda. Passing through the kingdom of Lahore, they came to the vast mountains whence the Ganges flows into the lower plain country of Hindostan, seeing many stately temples by the way full of idols. At the kingdom of Sirinagur they saw the Ganges flowing among snow, the whiteness of which is dazzling to the eyes of travellers. At the end of 50 days journey they came to a pagoda on the borders of Sirinagur, to which multitudes resort to bathe in a spring, the water of which is so hot as to be hardly sufferable, and which they imagine cleanses them from sin. The people here feed on raw flesh and eat snow, yet are very healthy; and the usual order of the sexes is reversed, as the women plough and the men spin. Having rested at the town of Mana the fathers pursued their journey, almost blinded by travelling continually among snow, and came at length to the source of the Ganges, which flows from a great lake. They soon afterwards entered the kingdom of Thibet, and were honourably received by officers sent on purpose from Chaparangue, the residence of the king of Thibet. The king and queen listened to their doctrines with much complacency, and even admitted their truths without dispute, and would not allow them to return to India till they promised an oath to come back, when the king not only engaged to give them liberty to preach, but that he would build them a church, and was greatly pleased with a picture they left him of the Virgin and Child.

The fathers returned according to promise, on which the king built them a church and was afterwards baptised along with the queen, in spite of every thing the Lamas could say to prevent him. From merchants who traded to this place from China, the fathers understood that it was 60 days journey from Chaparangue to China, 40 of which was through the kingdom of Usangue, and thence 20 days to China. They likewise learnt that Cathay is not a kingdom, but a great city—the metropolis of a province subject to the grand Sopo, very near China, whence perhaps some give the name of Cathay to China[19]. Perhaps this kingdom of Thibet is the empire of Prester John, and not Ethiopia as some have believed.

[Footnote 19: This is evidently erroneous, as we know certainly from the travels of Marco Polo and other authorities, that Cathay was the northern part of China, once a separate kingdom.—E.]

After having governed five years, the Count of Vidugueyra was ordered by the king to resign to Don Francisco de Mascarennas in 1628; but as that gentleman had left India for Europe, the viceroy resigned the charge of government to Don Luis de Brito, bishop of Cochin, and went home to Portugal. In this year the king of Acheen made an attempt to gain possession of Malacca, against which he sent a fleet of 250 sail, with 20,000 soldiers and a great train of artillery. In this great fleet there were 47 gallies of extraordinary strength, beauty, and size, all near 100 feet long and of proportional breadth. The king embarked with his wife, children, and treasure; but upon some ill omen the fleet and army sailed without him, and came before Malacca in the beginning of July 1629, the former under the command of Marraja, and the latter of Lacsamana, an experienced general who had made many conquests for his master. Having landed the troops, they were attacked by Antonio Pinto de Fonseca with only 200 men, who slew above 300 of the enemy without losing a man, and then retreated into the city. Juan Suarez Vivas with 350 Portuguese, who commanded at Iller, defended that post for some time with great gallantry and did great execution among the enemy; but at length, overpowered by numbers, was forced to retire. Having gained an eminence called mount St Juan, the enemy erected a battery there from which they played furiously against the fort, which answered them with great spirit. The Capuchin convent dedicated to the Mother of God, being considered as of great importance for the defence of the fort, was gallantly defended for 50 days by Diego Lopez de Fonseca, who on one occasion made a sally with 200 Portuguese and defeated 2000 of the enemy. On Lopez falling sick, Francisco Carvallo de Maya took the command of that post, and defended it till the convent was entirely ruined, so that he was obliged to withdraw into the city, on which the enemy converted it into a strong post in which Lacsamana took up his quarters with 3000 men. Marraja occupied mount St Juan, on which he erected a large fort; others were established at the convent of St Lawrence, at Iller and other places, having strong batteries and lines of communication, so that the city was invested on all sides by land, while a number of armed boats presented all access by sea for relief. Fonseca, who commanded in the besieged city, sent out Vivas with 220 Portuguese troops to dislodge Lacsamana from his head-quarters on the ruins of the Capuchin convent, on which occasion Vivas gained possession of the post by a night attack, killing 100 of the enemy, and retired with several cannon. The King of Pam, who was in alliance with the Portuguese, sent a fleet of paraos with 2000 men to the assistance of the town; and Michael Pereyra Botello brought five sail from the city of San Thome: Yet these reinforcements were insufficient to induce the enemy to retire, though they had lost above 4000 men during the siege, while 60 were slain on the side of the defenders.

Although the bishop of Cochin was informed in June of the intended attack on Malacca and the weak state of its garrison, he postponed sending any reinforcement, as it was then the dead of winter on the Malabar coast, proposing to dispatch succours in September. He died however about the end of July 1629, after having governed India for nineteen or twenty months. Upon his death the next patent of succession was opened, which named Don Lorenzo de Cunna, the commander of Goa, to the civil government of India, and Nunno Alvarez Pereyra to the military command. Of this last name there happened to be two in India, or none. If Don Nunno Alvarez Pereyra, a gentleman well known, were meant, the title of Don was omitted in the patent; if Nunno Alvarez Botello, the sirname teemed wrong. It was thought unlikely that the title of Don could be omitted through mistake, as that in Portugal is peculiar to certain families. The mistake of name in regard to Nunno Alvarez Botello was more probable, as he had long gone by the name of Pereyra, in memory of his grandfather Alvarez Pereyra, and had dropped that name for Botello when he inherited the estate of his father, whose name was Botello; yet some continued to call him by the old name, and others gave him the new one. The council of Goa, and the Count de Linnares after his arrival in India, allowed the pretensions of Botello.

In the meantime, considering how dangerous delay might prove to Malacca in its distress, Nunno Alvarez Botello undertook the relief of that place, saying that he would postpone the decision of the dispute till his return. By general consent however, he went by the title of governor; and by direction of the council of Goa, the Chancellor Gonzalo Pinto de Fonseca assumed the administration of justice, so that the government was divided between him, De Cunna, and Botello, who used such diligence in preparing for his expedition to relieve Malacca, that, from the 2d of August, when the charge of governor was awarded to him, to the beginning of September, he had collected 900 Portuguese troops, a good train of artillery, a large supply of arms and ammunition, and 30 vessels, and was ready to put to sea as soon as the weather would allow. He set sail on the 22d of September, rather too early, and encountered four several storms during his voyage, two of which were so terrible that every one expected to be lost. He at length reached Pulobutum, whence he sent two vessels to give notice at Malacca of his approach, yet arrived himself before them. At Pulobutum he found a vessel belonging to Cochin and two from Negapatnam, being some addition to his fleet He arrived at Malacca on the afternoon of the 22d October 1629, to the great surprise of Lacsamana, as his fleet was then in the river Pongor, a league from Malacca, and so situated as to be unable to escape.

Botello immediately landed and gave the necessary orders and again embarking forced his way up the river through showers of bullets, which he repaid with such interest that the enemy abandoned their advanced works that same night, and retired to that which they had constructed on the ruins of the Capuchin monastery. As the river Pongor had not sufficient water for the Portuguese ships, Botello embarked a strong detachment in 33 balones or balames, being country-vessels of lighter draught, with which he went in person to view the strength and posture of the hostile fleet. Being anxious for the safety of their gallies, the enemy abandoned their works at Madre de Dios and San Juan, and threw up other works with wonderful expedition for the protection of their fleet. But having attacked these with much advantage, Botello proposed to the enemy to surrender, on which Marraja returned a civil but determined refusal. His situation being desperate, Marraja endeavoured the night to escape with the smaller vessels, leaving his large gallies at the mercy of the Portuguese, but was prevented by the vigilance and bravery of Vasquez de Evora, who cut off many of his men, not without some loss on his own side, having one of his arms carried off. The enemy now endeavoured to make use of their formidable gallies, and the chief among them called the Terror of the World was seen in motion; on which Botello sent the admiral of the Portuguese gallies, Francisco Lopez to attack her, which he did with great gallantry, passing through clouds of smoke, and a tremendous fire of artillery, and after two hours hard fighting, carried her by boarding, after killing 500 of her men out of 700, with the loss only of seven of his own men.

On the 25th of November, the enemy set fire to a galley that was full of women whom they had brought to people Malacca, and made a fresh attempt to break through the Portuguese fleet, but without success, many of them being slain and taken, and great numbers leapt into the water, and fled to the woods, where they were devoured by wild beasts. Lacsamana then hung out a flag of truce, and sent a deputation to treat with Botello, who answered that he would listen to no proposals till they restored Pedro de Abren the Portuguese ambassador, whom they kept prisoner; and as they delayed compliance; the Portuguese cannon recommenced a destructive fire. On the last day of November, Botello got notice that Marraja the Acheen admiral was slain, and that the king Pam was approaching to the assistance of the Portuguese with 100 sail of vessels. Botello went immediately to visit him, and was received with the customary ceremonies used by the eastern princes to the Portuguese governors. After interchanging presents and mutual compliments, Botello returned to his post, where he found the Portuguese rather slackening their efforts in consequence of a desperate cannonade from the enemy. But on the 4th of December, the enemy sent fresh proposals for an accommodation, accompanied by the ambassador Abreu, requiring only to be allowed to withdraw with three of their gallies and 4000 men, being all that remained of 20,000 with which they had invested Malacca. In answer to this, they were told they must surrender at discretion on promise of life; and as Lacsamana hesitated to accept such humiliating terms, Botello assaulted and forced all his works, where many of the enemy were put to the sword; some throwing themselves into the river to swim across were drowned, and others who fled to the woods were devoured by beasts of prey. In fine, Botello obtained the most glorious victory that was ever gained by the Portuguese in India; as of all the fleet which came against Malacca, not a single vessel got away, and of the large army, not one man escaped death or captivity. So great was the booty, that the whole of the Portuguese troops and mariners were enriched, Botello reserving nothing to his own share but a parrot which had been much valued by Lacsamana.

On going to Malacca after this great victory, he entreated to be allowed to walk barefooted and unaccompanied to church, that he might humbly prostrate himself before the Lord of Hosts, in acknowledgement that the victory was entirely due to God, and not to the Portuguese valour; but he was constrained to enter the city in triumph. The streets were crowded with men, and the windows and house tops thronged with women, who sprinkled the hero with sweet waters and strewed flowers in his path. The music could not be heard for the noise of cannon, and all the city was filled with extreme joy. At this time an embassy came from the king of Pera, who was tributary to the king of Acheen, offering to pay tribute to the king of Portugal, and to deliver up a large treasure left in his custody belonging to the king of Acheen and his general Lacsamana. Don Jerome de Silveyra was sent with eleven ships to receive the treasure, and establish a treaty with the king of Pera, who performed his promise, and the treasure was applied to pay the men and refit the fleet.

About the middle of January 1630, Botello being off the straits of Cincapura to secure the ships expected from China against the Hollanders, Lacsamana and two other officers who had fled to the woods were brought prisoners to him, having been taken by the king of Pam. Owing to contrary winds, he was unable to get up with five Dutch ships that were about Pulo Laer, and which took a Portuguese galliot coming from China. He returned therefore to Malacca to refit his ships, and resolved to attempt the Dutch fort of Jacatara[20], the best which was possessed by these rebels in all Asia. In the first place, he sent Antonio de Sousa Coutinno in the admiral galley lately belonging to Lacsamana called the Terror of the World, in which Lacsamana was now prisoner, to Goa; directing that Lacsamana should be sent to Portugal, and that this large and magnificent galley should be given as a present to the city of Goa. In this galley there was one cannon made of tombac, a precious sort of metal, which was valued at above 7000 ducats, and another cannon reckoned still more valuable on account of its curious workmanship. Lacsamana died before he could be carried to Portugal.

[Footnote 20: In the neighbourhood of which was afterwards built the city of Batavia, the emporium at the Dutch trade in the east, now subject to Britain.—E.]

Learning that the Count de Linnares, now viceroy of India, had arrived at Goa in October 1629, Botello transmitted to him an account of all that he had done, and desired his assistance and approbation to continue in these parts in order to carry on his designs against the English and Hollanders. About the end of April 1630, the viceroy not only sent him every thing he asked, but gave him full power to act as governor general, without being obliged to wait for orders from Goa. In the meantime Botello sailed with 27 ships towards the straits of Cincapura, and put in at Jambo[21], a place abounding in pepper, and on that account much resorted to by the Dutch and English. At this place he took two large ships after a stout resistance; and going higher up the river he discovered another ship so large and beautiful that he designed to make use of her for his entrance into Goa; but a ball falling into her powder-room, blew her up. After employing three weeks in working up the river, Botello learnt that at a town about two leagues distant, two Dutch ships had taken shelter, and being desirous of taking them, he manned 14 light vessels with which he went to view the place, on which he was opposed by 26 sail of small vessels manned with Hollanders and natives, whom he put to flight; but on viewing the place he found it impracticable to attempt the two vessels, on account of the strength of the works by which they were protected. He destroyed therefore all the neighbourhood with tire and sword, and then sailed down the river, intending to proceed against Jacatara.

[Footnote 21: Probably Jambee on the N.E. side of Sumatra, in about lat. 18 20' S. to the S.E. of the straits of Cincapura.—E.]

While on his way thither, a Dutch ship of 24 guns was met, which was laden with powder for their forts, and on being attacked and boarded by some of his ships she took fire. In this situation, Botello gave orders for his ships to draw off from the danger, and on going up in his galliot to bring off Antonio Mascarennas, the Dutch ship blew up while Botello was passing her stern, by which his galliot was instantly sunk. His body was found and taken to Malacca, where it was honourably interred.

Don Michael de Noronna, Count de Linnares, arrived at Goa as viceroy of India in October 1629. About the commencement of his administration, Constantine de Sa, who commanded in Ceylon, marched from Columbo, which he left almost without any garrison, meaning to reduce the interior provinces to subjection. His force consisted of 400 Portuguese, with a considerable number of Christian Chingalese, in whose fidelity he reposed too much confidence, although a Franciscan friar who resided among the enemy, and his own officers warned him of the danger to which he was exposed. He penetrated to the city of Uva with very little opposition, which he destroyed; but was met on his return by the king of Candy with a considerable army, to whom the greatest part of the Christian Chingalese immediately deserted, and aided him in battle against the Portuguese, now reduced to 400 of their own troops and 200 Chingalese who remained faithful. De Sa and his inconsiderable army fought against prodigious odds during three entire days, but the general being slain, the Portuguese troops fell into disorder, and were all slain or taken prisoners.

Immediately after this victory, the king of Candy laid siege to Columbo with an army of 50,000 men, while the garrison under Launcelot de Leixas did not exceed 400, even including the priests and monks. The garrison was reduced to extreme distress, and even threatened with famine, when a ship from Cochin brought them a relief of provisions and ammunition; after which five ships came from San Thome and one from Goa. Though not mentioned by De Faria, it appears that the siege was now raised; as at a subsequent period, after the natives had reduced almost the whole of the island, the kings of Candy, Uva, and Matale again laid siege to Columbo with an army of 20,000 men. At this time five ships came from Goa to carry off the cinnamon to Portugal, on which the enemy raised the siege, believing these ships had come to relieve and reinforce the garrison.

The viceroy now appointed Don George de Almeyda to the command in Ceylon, who sailed from Goa for that place on the 19th of February 1631, in the great galley taken by Botello when he destroyed the fleet of Acheen: But encountering a storm off Cape Comorin, the galley was ready to founder, on which Almeyda took to the boat with 29 persons, and reached one of the Maldive islands after four days of incredible distress. Going over from thence to Cochin, he received a reinforcement of some Portuguese troops, with 500 kafrs and 800 Canarin lascars, and a supply of money, ammunition, and provisions. Having raised some more men at Cochin, Almeyda sailed again for Ceylon, where he arrived on the 21st October 1631, and landed at Columbo. He marched immediately against the enemy, though then the rainy season, and was soon forced to desist, as the country was mostly overflowed, and at this season the trees swarm with leeches, which drop down upon the men as they pass, and bleed them to death.

On the return of fine weather, Almeyda marched again on the 5th January 1632, though with much difficulty, as the waters were still out, so that the men had often to wade up to their breasts. Being opposed by the enemy near the fort of Tranqueyra Grande, many of them were slain, as the general gave three or four pistoles for every head that was brought him. At another pass, the enemy were defended, to the number of 6000 men, by some works, but on being attacked, and many of them killed, the rest fled, destroying every thing they could not carry away. After these successes, many of the natives came in, and submitted, and were treated with kindness; but as others hid themselves in hopes of getting away to join the enemy, Almeyda caused them to be apprehended, and given as slaves among his officers. One was delivered to the Kafrs, who, in sight of his wife and children, cut him immediately in pieces, which they divided among them to eat. At Cardevola, the enemy had two forts, which were carried by escalade. The enemy fled in every quarter, making no stand till they arrived at the foot of the mountains of Candy, where they were defeated, and the forts of Manicravare, Safragam, Maluana, and Caliture, were immediately afterwards reduced, as was the district of Matura, of which the commander of the Chingalese Christians, who deserted from de Sa, had made himself king. At last the king of Candy sent to implore peace, which was granted at the intercession of the priests and monks. In fine, Almeyda not only restored the reputation of the Portuguese arms in Ceylon, but increased it, and established the government of the island in good order. He was removed, however, by the succeeding viceroy, and returned to Goa poor, and full of honour, where he died poor, more from grief than age; and no sooner was he deprived of the command, than all he had gained was speedily lost, though it was again recovered by Diego de Melo y Castro in 1633.

About the end of the year 1635, the Count de Linares resigned the government of India to Pedro de Silva, who was usually called Mole or the Soft, on account of the easiness of his disposition. He disliked the government so much, that he was often heard to exclaim, "God forgive those who appointed me viceroy, as I am not fit for the office." He held the government, however, nearly four years, and died in the end of June 1639, when he was succeeded as governor by Antonio Tellez de Silva, whose name was found in one of the royal patents, which was now opened. Tellez happened to be absent from Goa at the time, for which reason, the archbishop of Goa, who was next in nomination, assumed the government in his name, and sent notice to him of his appointment, and in the meantime, employed himself in fitting out twelve ships of war for the relief of Malacca, then threatened by the king of Acheen and the Hollanders. At this time nine Dutch ships entered the river of Goa, and set on fire three Portuguese galleons then lying at Marmugam, after which they retired without loss or opposition, because the fort was destitute of men and ammunition. Antonio Tellez arrived immediately after this unfortunate accident, at which he was exceedingly enraged, not so much for the actual loss, as that the enemy should be able to insult the harbour of the Portuguese Indian capital without harm or resistance. On the back of this misfortune, news came that the Dutch fleet of 12 sail, and that of Acheen of 35 gallies, were in sight of Malacca. While occupied in making great preparations to relieve Malacca, and to remedy other disorders then subsisting in Portuguese India, he was superseded in the government of India, by the arrival of Juan de Silva Tello, as viceroy, towards the end of 1640; on which Antonio Tellez, having resigned the sword of command, immediately embarked for Portugal, not thinking proper to serve as admiral where he had enjoyed the supreme authority.

Other authors will write the actions of the new viceroy, Juan de Silva Tello, for he begins his task where I end mine.[22]

[Footnote 22: Manuel de Faria rightly thought proper to close his work at this period, which was immediately followed by the expulsion of the Portuguese from Malacca and Ceylon, and many other of their Indian possessions; where, except a few inconsiderable factories, they now only hold Goa, Diu, and Macao, and even these possess very little trade, and no political importance. From their subjection to the crown of Spain, the Dutch, who had thrown off the iron yoke of the Austrian princes of Spain, revenged their own injuries upon the Portuguese in India: And in the present age, at the distance of 160 years, having themselves fallen under the heavy yoke of the modern French Caesar, they have been stripped by Britain of every foreign possession in Asia, Africa, and America.—E]


Occurrences in Pegu, Martavan, Pram, Siam, and other places.[23]

We here propose to give some account of the exploits of the black king of Siam, in whose character there was a strange mixture of virtues and vices. In the year 1544, the king of the Birmans [24] besieged the city of Martavan by sea and land, being the metropolis of the great and flourishing kingdom of that name, which had a revenue of three millions of gold. Chaubainaa was then king of Martavan, and fell from the height of fortune to the depth of misery. The Birman fleet, on this occasion, consisted of 700 sail, 100 of which were large gallies, in which were 700 Portuguese, commanded by one Juan Cayero, who was reputed a commander of courage and conduct. After a siege of some months, during which the Birmans lost 12,000 men in five general assaults, Chaubainaa found himself unable to withstand the power of his enemy, being reduced to such extremity that the garrison had already eaten 3000 elephants. He offered, therefore, to capitulate, but all terms were refused by the enemy; on which he determined to make use of the Portuguese, to whom he had always been just and friendly: But favours received from a person in prosperity, are forgotten when the benefactor falls into adversity. He sent therefore one Seixas, a Portuguese in his service, to make an offer to Cayero, if he would receive himself, his family, and treasures, into the four ships which he commanded; that he would give half the treasure to the king of Portugal, to whom he would become vassal, paying such tribute as might be agreed on, being satisfied that he could recover his kingdom with the assistance of 2000 Portuguese troops, whom he proposed to take into his pay. Cayero consulted with his principal officers on this proposition, and asked Seixas, in their presence, what might be the amount of treasure belonging to the king of Martavan. Seixas said, that he had not seen the whole, but affirmed that he had seen enough in gold and jewels to load two ships, and as much silver as would load four or five. Envious of the prodigious fortune that Cayero might make by accepting this offer, the Portuguese officers threatened to delate him to the Birman sovereign, if he consented, and the proposal was accordingly refused.

[Footnote 23: De Faria, III. 347—364. Both as in a great measure unconnected with the Portuguese transactions, and as not improbably derived from the worse than suspicious source of Fernand Mendez de Pinro, these very problematical occurrences have been kept by themselves, which indeed they are in de Faria. After this opinion respecting their more than doubtful authenticity, it would be a waste of labour to attempt illustrating their geographical obscurities. Indeed the geography of India beyond the Ganges, is still involved in almost impenetrable darkness, from the Bay of Bengal to the empire of China.—E.]

[Footnote 24: Called always the Bramas by De Faria.—E.]

The king of Martavan was astonished at the rejection of his proposals, and finding Seixas determined to withdraw from the danger that menaced the city, made him a present of a pair of bracelets, which were afterwards sold to the governor of Narsinga for 80,000 ducats. Despairing of relief or retreat, the king of Martavan now determined to set his capital on fire, and sallying out at the head of the few men that remained, to die honourably fighting against his enemies. But that night, one of his principal officers deserted to the enemy, and gave notice of his intention. Thus betrayed, he surrendered on promise of having his own life, and those of his wife and children spared, and being allowed to end his days in retirement. These terms were readily granted, as the conqueror meant to perform no part of his engagement.

From the gate of the city to the tent of the Birman king, at the distance of a league, a double lane of musketeers of sundry nations was formed, the Portuguese under Cayero being stationed nearest the gate, through which the captives were to march in procession. In the first place, came the queen of Martavan in a chair, her two sons and two daughters being carried in two other chairs. These were surrounded by forty beautiful young ladies, led by an equal number of old ladies, and attended by a great number of Talegrepos, who are a kind of monks or religious men, habited like Capuchins, who prayed with and comforted the captives. Then followed the king of Martavan, seated on a small she elephant, clothed in black velvet, having his head, beard, and eyebrows shaved, and a rope about his neck. On seeing the Portuguese, he refused to proceed till they were removed, after which he went on. Being come into the presence of the king of the Birmans, he cast himself at his feet; and being unable to speak owing to grief, the Raolim of Mounay, Talaypor, or chief priest of Martavan, who was esteemed a saint, made a harangue in his behalf, which had been sufficient to have moved compassion from any other than the obdurate tyrant to whom it was addressed, who immediately ordered the miserable king, with his wife, children, and attendant ladies, into confinement. For the two following days, a number of men were employed to remove the public treasure of Martavan, amounting to 100 millions in gold; and on the third day, the army was allowed indiscriminate plunder, which lasted for four days, and was estimated at 12 millions. Then the city was burnt, and above 60,000 persons were supposed to have perished by fire and sword, an equal number being reduced to slavery. On this occasion, 2000 temples and 40,000 houses were destroyed.

On the morning after the destruction of the city, 21 gibbets were erected on a neighbouring hill called Beydao, which were surrounded by a strong guard of cavalry, and on which the queen, with her children and attendants, to the number in all of 140 persons, were all hung up by the feet. The king of Martavan, with 50 men of the highest quality, were flung into the sea with stones about their necks. At this barbarous spectacle, the army of the Birmans mutinied, and for some time the king was in imminent danger. Leaving a sufficient number of people to rebuild the ruined city, the Birman king returned to Pegu with the rest of his army, accompanied by Juan Cayero, and his 700 Portuguese. Four Portuguese remained at Martavan, among whom was Juan Falcam; who, instead of assisting Fernan Mendez Pinta, sent by Pedro de Faria, the commander of Malacca, to confirm the peace which subsisted with the late king of Martavan, accused him to the governor of the town as an enemy to the king of the Birmans. On this false accusation, the governor seized the vessel commanded by Pinto, in which were goods to the value of 100,000 ducats, killed the master and some others, and sent the rest prisoners to Pegu. This false dealing was not new in Falcam, who had deserted from the late unfortunate king of Martavan, after having received many benefits from him.

Instead of being allowed to enjoy the fruits of his victories in peace, the king of the Birmans was obliged to engage in a new war with the king of Siam, who endeavoured to recover the kingdom of Tangu, which had been wrested from him. For this purpose, in March 1546, he embarked with 900,000 men in 12,000 vessels, on the river Ansedaa, out of which he passed in the month of April into the river Pichau Malacoa, and invested the city of Prom. The king of this territory was recently dead, leaving his successor, only thirteen years of age, who was married to a daughter of the king of Ava, from whom he looked for the assistance of 60,000 men. For this reason, the king of Siam pressed the siege, that he might gain the city before the arrival of the expected succours. After six days, the queen of Prom, who administered the government, offered to become tributary if he would grant a peace; but the king insisted that she should put herself into his hands with all her treasure. She refused these degrading terms, knowing his perfidious character, and resolved to defend the city to the last extremity. The king of Siam accordingly gave several assaults, in all of which he was repulsed, and in a short time, lost above 80,000 of his men, partly by the sword, and partly by a pestilential disease, which raged in his army, 500 Portuguese who were in his service perishing among the rest.

Being unable to take the place by assault, the king of Siam caused a great mount to be raised, which overlooked the city, and was planted with a great number of cannon, by which the defenders were prodigiously annoyed. Upon this, 5000 men sallied from the city, and destroyed the mount, killing 16,000 of the enemy, and carrying off 80 pieces of cannon. In this affair the king of Siam was wounded; and being greatly enraged against a body of 2000 Portuguese, who were in his pay, and had the guard of the mount, he caused them all to be massacred. About the end of August, Xemin Maletay, one of the four principal officers, who commanded in Prom, treacherously betrayed the city to the king of Siam, who ordered it to be utterly destroyed with fire and sword. Two thousand children were cut in pieces, and given as food to the elephants. The queen was publicly whipped, and given up to the lust of the soldiers till she died. The young king was tied to her dead body, and cast into the river; and above 300 principal nobles were impaled. The king of Ava, who was marching to the assistance of his sister, understood the unfortunate events of Prom, but came to battle with the traitor Zemin, who had betrayed her, who was at the head of a numerous army. In this battle all the soldiers of Ava were slain except 800, after making a prodigious slaughter among the enemy; after which the king of Siam came up with a part of his army, and slew the remaining 800 men of Ava, with the loss of 12,000 of his own men, and then beheaded the traitor Zemin. He then went up the river Queytor, with 60,000 men in 1000 boats, and coming to the port of Ava, about the middle of October, he burnt above 2000 vessels, and several villages, with the loss of 8000 of his men, among whom were 62 Portuguese. Understanding that the city of Ava was defended by 20,000 men, 30,000 of which people had slain 150,000 of his army at Maletay, and that the king of Pegu was coming to their relief, he returned in all haste to Prom, where he fortified himself, and sent an ambassador to the emperor of Calaminam, with rich presents, and the offer of an extensive territory, on condition of sending him effectual succours.

The empire of Calaminam is said to be 300 leagues in length and as much in breadth, having been formerly divided into 27 kingdoms, all using the same language, beautified with many cities and towns, and very fertile, containing abundance of all the productions of Asia. The name of the metropolis is Timphan, which is seated on the river Pitni, on which there are innumerable boats. It is surrounded by two strong and beautiful walls, contains 400,000 inhabitants, with many stately palaces and fine gardens, having 2500 temples belonging to 24 different sects. Some of these use bloody sacrifices. The women are very beautiful, yet chaste, two qualities that seldom go together. In their law-suits, O happy country! they employ no attornies, solicitors, or proctors, and every dispute is decided at one hearing. This kingdom maintains 1,700,000 soldiers, 400,000 of which are horse, and has 6000 elephants. On account of their prodigious number, the emperor assumes the title of Lord of the Elephants, his revenue exceeding 20 millions. There are some remnants of Christianity among these people, as they believe in the blessed Trinity, and make the sign of the cross when they sneeze.

Such was the great empire of Calaminam to which the king of the Birmans[25], sent his ambassador. On his return, the king sent 150,000 men in 1300 boats against the city of Sabadii, 130 leagues distant to the north-east. The general of this army, named Chaunigrem, lost many of his men in several assaults, after which he raised two mounts whence he did much harm to the city: But the besieged sallying out, killed at one time 8000 and at another 5000 of his men. Leaving this siege for a time and the affairs of the king of the Birmans, we purpose to relate what was done at Siam, in order to treat of them both together.

[Footnote 25: Formerly this was attributed to the king of Siam: But the whole story of this section is so incredible and absurd as not to merit any observations. It is merely retained from De Faria, as an instance of the fables of Fernand Mendez de Pinto.—E.]

The king of Chiammay, after destroying 30,000 men that had guarded the frontiers, besieged the city of Guitivam belonging to the king of Siam, who immediately drew together an army of 500,000 men, in which was a body of 120 Portuguese in which he placed great reliance. This vast multitude was conveyed along the river in 3000 boats, while 4000 elephants and 200 pieces of cannon were sent by land. He found the enemy had 300,000 men and 2000 boats. The king of Siam gave the command of his vast army to three generals, two of whom were Turks, and the third was Dominic Seixas a Portuguese. At first the Siamese were worsted, but recovering their order they gained a complete victory, in which 130,000 of the enemy were slain, 40,000 of whom were excellent cavalry, with the loss of 50,000 Siamese, all of whom were the worst troops in their army. After this victory the king of Siam marched against the queen of Guibem, who had allowed the enemy to pass through her country; and entering the city of Fumbacar spared neither age nor sex. Being besieged in her capital of Guirar, the queen agreed to pay an yearly tribute of 60,000 ducats, and gave her son as an hostage. After this the king of Siam advanced to the city of Taysiram, to which place he thought the king of Chiammay had fled, destroying every thing in his course with fire and sword, only sparing the women; but winter coming on he returned to Siam.

On his return to his court of Odiaa or Odiaz, he was poisoned by his queen, then big with child by one of her servants; but before he died he caused his eldest son, then young, to be declared king. He left 30,000 ducats to the Portuguese then in his service, and gave orders that they should pay no duties in any of his ports for three years. The adulterous queen, being near the time of her delivery, poisoned her lawful son, married her servant, and caused him to be proclaimed king. But in a short time they were both slain at a feast by the King of Cambodia and Oya Pansilaco.

There being no lawful heir to the kingdom of Siam, Pretiel a religious Talagrepo, bastard brother to him who was poisoned, was raised to the throne by common consent in the beginning of the year 1549. Seeing the affairs of Siam in confusion, the king of the Birmans, who was likewise king of Pegu, resolved to conquer that kingdom. For this purpose he raised an army of 800,000 men, of which 40,000 were horse, and 60,000 armed with muskets, 1000 being Portuguese. He had 20,000 elephants, 1000 cannon drawn by oxen and abadias[26], and 1000 ammunition waggons drawn by buffaloes. The Portuguese troops in his service, were commanded by Diego Suarez de Mello, commonly called the Gallego, who went out to India in 1538. In 1542 this man became a pirate in the neighbourhood of Mozambique. In 1547 he was at the relief of Malacca: And now in 1549, being in the service of the king of the Birmans, was worth four millions in jewels and other valuables, had a pension of 200,000 ducats yearly, was stiled the king's brother, and was supreme governor of the kingdom and general in chief of the army. With this prodigious army the king of the Birmans, after one repulse, took the fort of Tapuram by assault, which was defended by 2000 Siamese, all of whom he put to the sword in revenge for the loss of 3000 of his own men in the two assaults. In the prosecution of his march, the city of Juvopisam surrendered, after which he set down before the city of Odiaa the capital of Siam. Diego Suarez the commander in chief gave a general assault on the city, in which he was repulsed with the loss of 10,000 men: Another attempt was made by means of elephants, but with no better success. The king offered 500,000 ducats to any one who would betray one of the gates to him; which coming to the knowledge of Oya Pansiloco, who commanded in the city, he opened a gate and sent word to the king to bring the money as he waited to receive it. After spending five months in the siege, during which he lost 150,000 men, news came that Xemindoo had rebelled at Pegu where he had slain 15,000 men that opposed him. When this was known in the camp, 120,000 Peguers deserted, in hatred to the king of the Birmans who oppressed them, and in revenge of the insolence of Diego Suarez their general in chief.

[Footnote 26: Rhinoceroses, which are so brutishly ferocious as in no instance to have been tamed to labour, or to have ever shewn the slightest degree of docility. Being of enormous strength, the only way of preserving them when in custody, is in a sling; so that on the first attempt to more forwards, they are immediately raised from the ground.—E.]

Xemindoo was of the ancient blood royal of Pegu, and being a priest was esteemed as a great saint. On one occasion he preached so eloquently against the tyranny and oppression which the Peguers suffered under the Birmans, that he was taken from the pulpit and proclaimed king of Pegu. On this he slew 8000 Birmans that guarded the palace, and seizing the royal treasure, he got possession of all the strong-holds in a short time, and the whole kingdom submitted to his authority. The armies of the rival kings met within two leagues of the city of Pegu; that of the Birmans amounting to 350,000 men, while Xemindoo had 600,000; yet Xemindoo was defeated with the loss of 300,000 men, while the Birmans lost 60,000. The victorious king of the Birmans immediately entered Pegu, where he slew a vast multitude of the inhabitants, and recovered his treasure. Meanwhile the city of Martavan declared for Xemindoo, and massacred the garrison of 2000 Birmans. Zemin did the same in the city of Zatam where he commanded. The king marched towards him, but he contrived to have him murdered by the way; on which Zemin was proclaimed king by his followers, and soon raised an army of 30,000 men. Chaumigrem, brother to the dead king, plundered the palace and city, and then fled to Tangu where he was born. In four months Zemin became so odious to his new subjects by his tyranny, that many of them fled to Xemindoo, who was soon at the head of 60,000 men.

Some short time before this, as Diego Suarez was passing the house of a rich merchant on the day of his daughter's intended marriage, being struck by the great beauty of the bride, he attempted to carry her off by force, killing the bridegroom and others who came to her rescue, and the bride strangled herself to avoid the dishonour. As the father expected no justice while that king reigned, he shut himself up till Zemin got possession of the throne, on which he so published his wrongs about the city, that 50,000 of the people joined with him in demanding justice. Fearing evil consequences, Zemin caused Suarez to be apprehended and delivered up to the people, by whom he was stoned to death. His house was plundered, and as much less treasure was found than he was supposed to be worth, he was believed to have buried the rest.

Zemin soon followed Suarez, for his subjects being unable to endure his cruelty and avarice, fled in great numbers to Xemindoo, who was now master of some considerable towns. Xemindoo having gathered an army of 200,000 men and 5000 elephants, marched to the city of Pegu, near which he was encountered by Zemin at the head of 800,000 men. The battle was long doubtful, but at last Gonzalo Neto, who served under Xemindoo with 80 Portuguese, killed Zemin with a musket ball, on which his army fled, and Xemindoo got possession of the capital. This happened on the 3d of February 1550. Gonzalo was rewarded with a gift of 10,000 crowns, and 5000 were divided among his companions.

Chaumigrem, who had fled the year before to Tangu, hearing that Xemindoo had disbanded most of his forces, marched against him and obtained a complete victory, by which the kingdom of Pegu was again reduced under the authority of the Birmans. Xemindoo was taken some time afterwards and put to death. Chaumigrem being now king of the Birmans and of Pegu, went to war against Siam, with an army of 1,700,000 men, and 17,000 elephants, having a considerable body of Portuguese in his service. All this army came to ruin, and the kingdom of Pegu was soon afterwards reduced to subjection by the king of Aracan, as formerly related.

The kingdom of Siam, though much harassed by these invasions, still held out, and, in 1627, was possessed by the black king, so called because he really was of a black colour, though all the inhabitants of that country are fair complexioned[27]. In 1621, this black king of Siam sent ambassadors to Goa, desiring that some Franciscans might be sent to preach the gospel in his dominions. Accordingly, father Andrew, of the convent of the Holy Ghost, went to Odiaa[28], where he was received honourably, and got leave to erect a church, which was done at the king's expence. He likewise offered great riches to the venerable father, who constantly refused his offers, to the great admiration and astonishment of the king. This black king of Siam was of small stature, of an evil presence, and an extraordinarily compound character, of great wickedness, mixed with great generosity. Although cruel men are for the most part cowards, he was at the same time exceedingly cruel, and very valiant; and though tyrants are generally covetous, he was extremely liberal; being barbarous in some parts of his conduct, and generous and benevolent in others. Not satisfied with putting thieves and robbers to ordinary deaths, he was in use to have them torn in pieces in his presence by tigers and crocodiles for his amusement. Understanding that one of his vassal kings intended to rebel, he had him shut up in a cage, and fed him with morsels of his own flesh torn from his body, after which he had him fried in a pan. On one occasion he slew seven ladies belonging to the court, only because they walked too quick; and on another occasion he cut off the legs of three others, because they staid too long when sent by him for some money to give to certain Portuguese. He even extended his severity to animals; having cut off the paw of a favourite monkey for putting it into a box containing some curiosities. A valuable horse was ordered to be beheaded, in presence of his other horses, because he did not stop when he checked him. A tiger that did not immediately seize a criminal thrown to him, was ordered to be beheaded as a coward. Yet had this cruel and capricious tyrant many estimable virtues. He kept his word inviolable; was rigorous in the execution of justice; liberal in his gifts; and often merciful to those who offended him. Having at one time sent a Portuguese to Malacca with money to purchase some commodities; this man, after buying them lost them all at play, and yet had the boldness to return to the king, who even received him kindly, saying that he valued the confidence reposed in his generosity more than the goods he ought to have brought. He shewed much respect to the Christian priests and missionaries, and gave great encouragement to the propagation of the gospel in his dominions. His valour was without the smallest stain.

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