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A History of Giggleswick School - From its Foundation 1499 to 1912
by Edward Allen Bell
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A History of Giggleswick School

FIRST EDITION, JULY, 1912.



A HISTORY OF

GIGGLESWICK SCHOOL

FROM ITS FOUNDATION 1499 TO 1912

BY

EDWARD ALLEN BELL, M.A.,

Sometime Scholar of Christ Church, Oxford



LEEDS: RICHARD JACKSON, 16 & 17, COMMERCIAL STREET.

1912.



PREFACE

The history of Giggleswick School has just two difficulties about it which need to be unravelled. The date of the foundation of the School or of the Chantry of the Rood and the origin of the Seal alone are of interest to the antiquary and I have failed to discover either. The remainder is the story of a school, which has always had a reputation in the educational world and at the same time has left only the most meagre records of itself. The gentry of the neighbourhood were its scholars, but few have made their fame in the world without. Headmasters and Ushers have passed their lives here, but few were ambitious. Giggleswick was their haven of old age. Customs grew up, the same customs died and only seldom is it possible to conjecture their character.

A nation without a history is considered to have had the most blessed existence and the same is true of a school. Giggleswick has but once been the prey of the brigand and then it was fortunate enough to have a friend at court. It lost its original endowment and its private character. It gained a larger revenue and a Royal Charter. The placidity of its life was undisturbed by financial deficits. Its income expanded steadily. The close corporation of Governors were never ambitious to display their wealth, they never excited the greed of the statesman; even Cromwell's army passed through the district unmentioned by the Minute-Book.

It did not grow, it made no history, but continued on the even tenour of its path. Some years it was effective as a school of instruction, some years it was not, but never did it meet with the inquisitorial landlord, never but once did it suffer from the Crown. With the nineteenth century came its first crisis for three hundred years and it passed through unhurt. A new school with the old endowments, a better education with a wider horizon, a new power with which to meet the coming needs were all engrafted on the old foundation. If romance involves moments of startling excitement, Giggleswick has no romance. But if romance lies in an unrecorded, unenvied continuity, in the affection of pupils that age after age causes men to send their sons and their sons' sons to the same school, then the history of Giggleswick is shot through with romance. No school can continue for more than a generation, if this supreme test of its hold upon the hearts of men should fail. The school that nurtured the father must do its duty by the son and the golden link of affection is forged afresh.

It would have been impossible to complete the task of writing the history of the School, if I had not received invaluable help from many sources. Two men in particular must accept my deepest gratitude—Mr. A. F. Leach and Mr. Thomas Brayshaw. Mr. Leach is the foremost authority in England on English Grammar Schools and he has never stinted his help. Mr. Brayshaw probably knows more than any other man of the history of the School during the last eighty years and he has supplied me generously with pamphlets and information. In addition he has been most assiduous in helping me to choose and decipher documents belonging to the School, which the Governors of the School were kind enough to allow me to use. The Rev. G. Style, the Rev. J. R. Wynne Edwards and many others have helped me materially with Chapters X and XI, while Mr. J. Greaves, of Christ's College, Cambridge, sent me his own copy of Volume I of the Christ's Admission Book and an advance proof copy of Volume II.

The photographs are taken from originals in the possession of Mr. A. Horner, of Settle, Mr. P. Spencer Smith and Mr. E. D. Clark. Mr. Spencer Smith in particular has gone to endless trouble in procuring photographs of every kind for the special purpose of this book.

These names by no means include all those who have helped me with advice on many occasions. I thank them all and in particular I would thank the present Headmaster, Mr. R. N. Douglas, who has put every convenience in my way and without whose co-operation the book could never have been written.

E. A. B.

GIGGLESWICK,

June, 1912.



CONTENTS.

CHAPTER I.—THE FOUNDATION. [13-24.

James Carr, capellanus, earliest date 1499—Rood Chantry of Giggleswick Parish Church—The Earliest Records of the Carr Family—Private Adventure School—Lease of Ground for a School-house—Terms of the Lease—Description of the first School—James Smith, a Boarder, 1516—Death of James Carr—Endowment of Chantry—Chantry Commission, 1547—Edward VI, Injunctions—Chantry Commissioners, 1548—Chaunterie of our Ladye—Tempest Chantry—Chaunterie of the Rode—Richard Carr—Thomas Iveson—Song-school.

CHAPTER II.—RE-FOUNDATION, 1553-1599. [25-38.

John Nowell—Edward VI Charter—"Free" School—Position of the Vicar—Master and Usher—New Endowment from S. Andrew's College, Acaster—School Seal—Statutes of 1592—Archbishop of York—Election of Governors—The Master—"Strangers"—Vacations —Subjects of Instruction—The Usher—Hours of School—The Scholars—Praepositors.

CHAPTER III.—SCHOOLS AND THEIR TEACHING IN THE SIXTEENTH AND SEVENTEENTH CENTURIES. [39-46.

Trevisa—Ecclesiastical Control Curriculum—Trivium—Quadrivium—Lily's Latin Grammar—Custos—Hebrew—Teaching of English—The Primer—The Bible—Prayers and Thanksgivings—Scriveners—Music—Puritanism.

CHAPTER IV.—CHRISTOPHER SHUTE AND ROBERT DOCKRAY. [47-64.

Shute Minute-Book—Clapham Bequests—Scholarships at the University—Potations—Tennant's Gift—Tennant's Bequest—Josias Shute—Burton Rent-charge—Election of Scholars—Purchase of the School Building—Richard Carr—Scholarships and Fellowships at Christ's—Tempest Thornton—Thomas Atherton—Carr Exhibitions at the Present Day—Resignation of Shute—Appreciation of his Work—Josias Shute's Bequest—Robert Dockray—Henry Claphamson, Usher—Rev. Rowland Lucas.

CHAPTER V.—THE CLOSE OF THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. [65-76.

Rev. Rowland Lucas, Head Scoulmaster—Giggleswick and Cambridge— Anthony Lister, Vicar—Abraham de la Prynne—Richard Frankland—Founder of Nonconformity—Rathmell Academy—Samuel Watson, a Quaker Governor—William Walker, Master—William Brigge, Master—Shute Exhibitions—Increased Rents from School Estates—Governors lend out Money—Extract from Account Book—Thomas Wildeman—John Armitstead, Master—Richard Ellershaw, Vicar—Poor Fund—Joshua Whitaker—Character of Armitstead— Successes at Cambridge.

CHAPTER VI.—THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. [77-109.

John Carr, A.B.—A Family Circle—Richard Thornton—Conditions of Mastership—Collection of Rent and Masters' Stipends—John Cookson, "probe edoctus"—William Paley, Master—The Paleys of Langcliffe—William Paley, the Younger—Career at Cambridge—Charles Nowell in Lancaster Gaol—Dispute over his Successor as Governor—Paley and John Moore, Usher, and their Stipends—The Archbishop's Judicious Letter—Enclosures—Mortgage of North Cave Estate—Teaching of Writing—Elementary Education—Increase of Revenue—A Third Master—Purchase of Books—Burton Exhibitions—Re-building of School—New Statutes—Attitude of the Vicar—Rev. John Clapham—Bishop Watson of Llandaff on Classical Teaching—Educational Status of Giggleswick—Applicant's Letter for post of Writing Master—Robert Kidd—Distribution of Prizes to Scholars—Re-adjustment of Salaries—Nicholas Wood, Usher—Obadiah Clayton, Classical Assistant—Numbers of the School—Vacations—Miss Elizabeth Paley—Death of William Paley—Estimate of his Work—Old Boys—Letter from T. Kidd on Life at Cambridge.

CHAPTER VII.—THE REV. ROWLAND INGRAM. [110-125.

Appointment of a New Master—Suggested Examiners—Qualifications Necessary—Strong Field of Candidates—Appointment of Ingram—Elementary Education—William Stackhouse, Writing Master—Clayton's Insanity—Increased Numbers—Increased Revenues—Commissioners of 1825—Rev. John Howson—Craven Bank—Usher's House—Letter from John Carr—John Saul Howson—Character of Ingram's Rule—Potation.

CHAPTER VIII.—DR. GEORGE ASH BUTTERTON, 1845-1858. [126-148.

Attitude of the Governors—Aim of Education—Scheme of 1844—Its Defects—Bishop of Ripon—Appointment of Butterton—New School Built—Description—Prize Poems—Hastings' Exhibition—Bishop of Ripon's Examiner's Report—Giggleswick Pupils Prize—Howson Prize—Modern Language Master—Curriculum of the School Examination 1855—Admittance of Pupils—Difficulties of Butterton—Illness of Howson—Fig Day—Payments by Scholars—Glazier's Bills—Efficiency of the School.

CHAPTER IX.—THE REV. JOHN RICHARD BLAKISTON, 1858-1866. [149-168.

Blakiston appointed Master—Matthew Wood, Usher—John Langhorne—Arthur Brewin—Examiner's Report—Decrease of Numbers—Difficulties of the Scheme of 1844—Blakiston and Wood—Master's House Unfit for Boarders—Pronunciation of Greek and Latin—Mr. James Foster—Charity Commissioners—New Scheme 1864—New Governing Body—Sir James Kay Shuttleworth—Walter Morrison—Fig Day—School Clock—Ingram Prize—Resignation of Usher—Preliminaries for a New Scheme—Suspension of Usher's Office—Inspector's Report 1863—Free Education—Inspector's Report 1865—Development of New Scheme—Resignation of Mr. Blakiston—Purchase of Football Field—Proposals for Hostel.

CHAPTER X.—A NEW ERA. [169-197.

Temporary Headmaster—Thomas Bramley—Michael Forster—Hostel—Rev. George Style—Private Boarding House—Endowed Schools Act 1869—New Scheme of Management 1872—Free Education—Shute Exhibitions— Increase of Numbers—Natural Science—Dr W. Marshall Watts—Purchase of Holywell Toft—Additions to the Hostel—New Class-rooms—Gymnasium—Success at the Universities—Death of Sir James Kay Shuttleworth—Lord Frederick Cavendish—Mr. Hector Christie—Giggleswick Church Restoration—Athletics—Giggleswick v. Sedbergh—Music—Charles Frederick Hyde—School Library—G. B. Mannock—Bankwell—Arthur Brewin—Fire in the Laboratory— Educational Exhibition—Museum—Old Boys' Club—Numbers in the School—Craven Bank—Hollybank—Giggleswick Chronicle—Boer War.

CHAPTER XI.—THE CHAPEL. [198-215.

Mr. Morrison's offer—Aim of Architecture—The Purpose of a Dome—Value of a School Chapel—Foundation Stone laid—Interior of the Chapel—Organ—Dome—Windows—Cricket Pavilion—Gate-house—Mr. Morrison's Portrait—Mr. Style's Resignation—His Work—Praepostors —Fagging—Schoolboys' Tower—Mr. Style's Enthusiasm—Ascension Day—Secret of his power.

CHAPTER XII.—THE LAST DECADE. [216-229.

W. W. Vaughan—Changes made—Importance of English—Higher Certificate—Resignation of Dr. Watts—Style Mathematical Prizes—Waugh Prize—Dormitories Re-named—Gate-house—Giggleswick Boys' Club—Sub-target Rifle Machine—Quater-Centenary—Fives Courts—Inspection—Carr Exhibitions—Death of Mr. Mannock—O.T.C. —Improvement of Cricket Ground—Athletics—Scar-Rigg Cup—Headmaster and Wellington—Mr. Vaughan's Work—R. N. Douglas—Death of Mr. Bearcroft—Sergeant-Major Cansdale— Quater-Centenary.

APPENDIX. [230-284.

INDEX. [285-294.



LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.

Rev. George Style, M.A. Frontispiece

Facing Page The Charter 12

First School, 1512 18

Rev. Josias Shute, B.D. 60

Richard Frankland, M.A. 68

Archdeacon Paley 82

Second School, 1790 90

Rev. Rowland Ingram, M.A. 110

Usher's House 120

Craven Bank 120

Rev. G. A. Butterton, D.D. 126

The Old School 132

Porch of the Old School 134

Rev. John Howson, M.A. 146

Sir James Kay Shuttleworth 146

Rev. John Richard Blakiston, M.A. 150

Hector Christie, Esq. 156

Cricket Ground 164

The Hostel, 1869 170

A Class-room 174

A Hostel Study 174

Hostel 176

The Library 178

Class-rooms and Laboratory 180

Chemistry Laboratory 182

The Museum 182

Big School 184

The Fives Courts 186

Lord Frederick Cavendish 188

The School Buildings 190

Bankwell 194

Walter Morrison, M.A., Esq. 198

The Chapel Exterior 200

The Chapel Dome 204

James Carr 204

The Chapel, East, Interior 208

The Chapel, West, Interior 210

The Gate House 212

W. W. Vaughan, M.A., Esq. 216

Joiner's Shop 218

Athletic Shop 218

G. B. Mannock, Esq. 220

Officers Training Corps 224

R. N. Douglas, M.A., Esq. 228



CHAPTER I.

The Foundation.

Giggleswick School for over four hundred years has lived a life apart, unconscious of the world outside: but its life has not therefore been a placid one. Real dangers have continually assailed it, real crises have been faced. Most schools have been founded with a preliminary grant of an endowment, with which to afford a proper maintenance to Master and Scholars. But Giggleswick was not one of these. Its actual origin is obscure but this at least is sure, it existed before it was endowed. It was the private enterprise of one man, James Carr, who in 1518 "nuper decessit."

Nineteen years before, the same James Carr was a capellanus in charge of the Rood Chantry, which he himself had founded. The date of its foundation has not reached us, but the fact of its existence, and consequently the probable existence of the Grammar School, is certain in 1499.

In that year two-and-a-half acres of arable land in Settle and a meadow called Howbeck ynge were let to one William Hulle by the indenture of the cantarist. The cantarist or chantry priest was James Carr. Six years later, Hugh Wren, William Preston and James Carr, capellani, were made joint owners of "unum messuagium et unam bovatam terrae et prati."

These two possessions conclusively prove the existence of the Rood Chantry and the presence of James Carr during the last year of the fifteenth century, and from that year Giggleswick School may date its birth. The name Carr is variously spelt. Skarr, Car, Carre, Karr, Ker, all appear, but no importance is to be attached thereto. Spelling as part of the equipment of an educated man is one of the less notable inventions of the nineteenth century. As a family the Carrs come from Stackhouse, a village quite close to Giggleswick, but their recorded history begins with this generation. The father of James is nameless, but his eldest brother Stephen was living at Stackhouse in the year 1483, when he leased a plot of land from the Prior and Convent of Finchale. It was therefore not unnatural that James should found a chantry in the neighbourhood of his family home.

The purpose of a chantry was the offering up of prayers for the souls either of the founder or of such as he might direct. We do not know the original cause of James Carr's Chantry or for whose soul he prayed. But in 1509 he received a legacy from his brother Thomas, who was vicar of Sancton. The gift consisted of "unam calicem argenteam" and with it there was a request "ut oretur pro anima mea et parentum meorum diebus Dominicis." Henceforth this was his duty. But a weekly service of prayer on Sundays would be a poor occupation for a man, even though he had clearly another Mass to say as well. And he endeavoured to dispel the monotony of his chantry by teaching. He followed a common practice of chantry priests, but he had some additional qualifications for the work. He belonged to a local family of some importance, he had a certain income of his own, and he was prepared to take boarders as well as to teach the boys in the village.

The unique character of his enterprise declares itself very soon. He was so successful a teacher that he could no longer find it possible to carry on his work in his own house or possibly "like a pedant that keeps a school in a church," he required a building larger and more convenient. In other words he was prepared to take a risk and to invest his own capital in buildings. It is the only instance that has been recorded of what Mr. A. F. Leach calls a Private Adventure School. It was not endowed from an outside source before 1553, but until the year 1518 was the private property of James Carr. He endowed the Rood Chantry with lands producing six pounds one shilling a year, and the successive chantry priests carried on the teaching that he had begun.

On November 12, 1507, a lease had been entered into between "the Right Reverende ffader in Gode, Thomas, Prior of Duresme and Convent of the same on the one partie and James Karr, preste, on the other partie" by which the said James was given a seventy-nine year lease of "half one acre of lande with the appertenance, laitlye in the haldyng of Richarde lemyng, lyeng neir the church garth of Gyllyswyke in Crawen within the countie of york." He and his successors contracted to pay a full or rack-rent of xijd. of lawful English money every year and an additional vjs. viijd. as often as it might be desired to extend the lease. It was also provided that "whensoever the same James Karr shall change his naturall lyfe that then it shalbe lawful, as ofte tymes as it shalbe nedful, to the vicar of ye churche afforsaid for the tyme beyng and kyrkmasters of the same, heires, executors, and assignes to the said James Karr, jontlie, to elect one person beyng within holye orders, to be scole master of the gramer scole afforsaid." Such Schoolmaster had not only to be within "holye orders" but also to receive a license to teach from the Prior of Durham. Not till the nineteenth century was teaching a grammar or classical school regarded as a profession independent of the Church.

The half acre that he thus obtained was ordered to be enclosed and James Carr agrees that he will keep or cause to be kept there "one gramer scole" building it "at hys awne propyr charges and costes."

The Gentleman's Magazine in 1786 contains a letter from a correspondent describing the school that Carr built. It was low, small and irregular and consisted of two stages, whereof at that period the upper one was used for writing, etc., that is to say for elementary education, probably reading, writing and arithmetic; the lower stage on the other hand was used for advanced teaching. This would include the elaborate classical curriculum common to almost every school and to which we shall return later. On the North side there was a small projecting building, which before 1786 had contained a tolerable collection of books but at that time they had been dispersed. The date of the completion of the building is fixed by an inscription on a stone which was placed almost above one of the doors and is still preserved in the modern Big School.

Alma dei mater, defende malis Jacobum Car: Presbiteris, quoque clericulis domus hec fit in anno Mil' quin' cen' duoden'. Jesu nostri miserere: Senes cum junioribus laudent nomen Domini.

Kindly Mother of God, defend James Car from ill. For priests and young clerks this house is made in 1512. Jesus, have mercy upon us. Old men and children praise the name of the Lord.

The inscription is an ingenious but not altogether happy example of Carr's ability as a writer of Latin Hexameters.

Above this stone slab was an ornamented niche, which at one time contained an image but of which no knowledge can be obtained. It may have held a statue of the Virgin and Child and be the origin of the school seal, as a writer in the Giggleswick Chronicle, March 1907, suggests, but the chantry was not dedicated to the Virgin, it was the "Chaunterie of the Rode" and as such we should expect to find a crucifix with the Virgin standing by it.



There is only one other record of the School during the next thirty years but it is a very important one, for it shows that the School was not restricted to the village but encouraged boarders from distant villages and towns. About the year 1516 William Malhame writes to his brother John:

"Brother, I will Sir W. Martyndale to be Parish Priest at Marton, and to have like wages that Sir W. Hodgson had: and I will Sir W. Hodgson to have vj markes yearly during his life, to tarry at Marton and pray for mee and my father and mother's sawles. They both begin their service at Midsomer next coming. I am content that James Smith go to Sir James Carr to scoule at Michelmas next comyng, and also I am content ye paye for his bord, which shall be allowed ye ageane. From London ye second day of Aprill.

"By your Brother Wm. Malhame. "To his Brother John Malhame."

In September 1518, the Craven with Ripon Act Book describes James Carr as one who "nuper decessit" and his will was proved. No trace of it has been found but we know from the Chantry Commissioners' Report in 1546 that he had endowed the Chantry School with a rental of Lvi xijd.

The Commission had been appointed to ascertain the chantry property which might be vested in the King. There were two excellent reasons for the change. Many avaricious men had already on various pretexts "expulsed" the priests or incumbents and taken the emoluments for themselves. Such private spoliation could not be allowed. And in the second place Henry VIII had involved himself in "great and inestimable charges" in the maintenance of his wars in France and Scotland. He needed money and he saw an easy way to getting it. The Chantry Commissioners made their report, but before many chantries were taken by the King, he died. At once the Chantries Act, which was only for Henry's life, is dissolved naturally.

Edward VI, "monstrificus puellus," was a precocious child of nine years old when he succeeded to the throne. The first "Injunctions" issued in his name gave distinct promise for educational bodies, as they comprised an order, compelling all chantry priests to teach the children reading and writing. Thus at one stroke of the pen he converted a body of men, who had insufficient work to do, into National Schoolmasters. Such a measure would tend to improve the quality of the chantry priests, who would no longer run "unto London, unto St. Poules" seeking for a chantry of souls, seeing that the toil of a Schoolmaster would be their lot.

But within a year a fresh Chantries Act was passed and a new Commission appointed by the Protector and his Council. The Act contained a prefatory statement which maintained that "a great part of superstition and errors in Christian religion has been brought into the minds and estimations of men" and this "doctrine and vain opinion by nothing is more maintained and upholden than by the abuse of trentals, chantries, and other provisions made for the continuance of the said blindness and ignorance." They therefore determined to dissolve the chantries and at the same time continue Grammar Schools, where they existed. The results belied the early promise. The clauses relating to the endowment of Grammar Schools have gained Edward VI a widespread fame as a founder of most of the schools in England. But that fame has been wholly fictitious.

Henry VIII had wrought great damage to elementary education, although he had professed "I love not learning so ill, that I will impaire the revenues of anie one house by a penie, whereby it may be upholden." But it has been calculated that in 1546 there was probably one school for every eight thousand people, whereas three hundred years later, the proportion was thrice as small. Yet Edward VI did not found one school in Yorkshire, and many, which had previously existed, he deprived of all revenue. So diminished were the means of education in 1562 that Thomas Williams, on his election as Speaker of the House of Commons, took occasion to call Queen Elizabeth's notice to the great dearth of schools "that at least one hundred were wanting, which before this time had been." In other words in a period of less than thirty years the number had decreased by a third. And this was in spite of a six years' reign of Edward VI., the supposed progenitor of schools.

In the report of the Commissioners of 1548 Giggleswick is recorded as having three chantries. There was the Chantry of Our Lady, the incumbent of which, Richard Somerskayle, is described as "lx yeres of age, somewhat learned" and enjoying the annual rent of L4. The Tempest Chantry with Thomas Thomson as incumbent 70 yeres old and "unlearned." The Chantry of the Rode, "Richard Carr, Incombent, 32 yeres of age, well learned and teacheth a gramer schole there, lycensed to preach, hath none other lyving than the proffitts of the said chauntrie." The net value of the chantry was L5 15s.

Richard Carr was a nephew of the founder and from the description of his two fellow chaplains he was evidently superior to the ordinary chantry priest. They were "unlearned," "somewhat learned," he was "well learned" and "lycensed to preach." For all that the chantry lands were taken from him, but the School was not dissolved: he was maintained as a Schoolmaster by a stipend of the annual value of L5 6s. 8d. charged on the crown revenues of York "for the good educacyon of the abbondaunt yought in those rewde parties."

The population of Giggleswick, which as a parish included Settle, Rathmell, Langcliffe and Stainforth, was roughly 2,400 and at the beginning of the nineteenth century was unaltered. Such a population was too "abbondaunt" for one man to teach, particularly if he took boarders, and it is not surprising to find in the report of 1548 the following paragraph:

"A some of money geven for the meyntenance of scholemaster there. The said John Malhome and one Thomas Husteler, disseased, dyd gyve ... the some of L24 13s. 4d. towards the meyntenance of a Scholemaister there for certen yeres, whereupon one Thomas Iveson, preist, was procured to be Scholemaister there, which hath kept a Scole theis three yeres last past and hath receyved every yere for his stypend after the rate of L4, which is in the holle, L12."

"And so remayneth L12 13s. 4d."

John Malhome was probably the brother of William, who in 1516 had sent James Smith to be a boarder at the School, and, as he was a resident in the neighbourhood and was a "preist," perhaps a chantry priest at Giggleswick, his interest in the School is not unnatural.

Thomas Husteler had an even more adequate reason for leaving money to pay the stipend of a Schoolmaster, for he had been priest of the Chantry of the Rood, and had been wont to "pray for the sowle of the founder (James Carr) and all Cristen sowles and to synge Mass every Friday of the name of Jhesu and of the Saterday of our Lady." He had also to be "sufficientlie sene in playnsonge and gramer and to helpe dyvyne service in the church."

Thus in addition to his chantry duties he had to perform the double office of Grammer and Song Schoolmaster, and the work proving too heavy for him he left money to provide the maintenance of a second Master. Thomas Iveson received this money and probably acted either as an Usher or as Song Schoolmaster. Many schools in England employed a Master to teach music but during the sixteenth century a change was gradually taking place. Many Song Schools ceased to exist and everywhere the song master became of less importance. In 1520 Horman had written "No man can be a grammarian without a knowledge of music;" Roger Ascham, although he quoted with approval Galen's maxim "Much music marreth man's manners" considered that its study within certain limits was useful; and in 1561 Mulcaster declared that all elementary schools should teach Reading, Writing, Drawing and Music. Music then was no longer a part of the general curriculum, but was chiefly restricted to the Cathedral Choir Schools, where the young chorister had a career opened up for him either in the church or as a member of a troupe of boy-actors. It is therefore of some interest to find that in 1548 the Master at Giggleswick had a knowledge of plainsong as well as grammar.



CHAPTER II.

1553-1592.

Giggleswick Church had been given to the Priory of Finchale by Henry de Puteaco about 1200, and Finchale was a cell of the Prior and Convent of Durham. So from that date till the Dissolution of the Monasteries the Priors continued to appoint the Vicar. When however in 1548 the church became vacant the rights of the convent were vested in Edward VI and he appointed to the office one of his chaplains John Nowell.

Nothing is known of him. He may have been the brother of Alexander Nowell, a prominent divine both under Mary and her successor, and for a time Head Master of Westminster, Principal of Brasenose College, Oxford, and for over forty years Dean of S. Paul's. This Alexander was a leader of education; he wrote a Catechism that became a school text-book and he assisted to re-found a free school at Middleton. It is not a wholly unsound conjecture, if we suppose that the John Nowell, who assisted to re-found Giggleswick was, if not a brother, at least a member of the same family as Alexander whose home was at Whalley.

We know at least that he was Vicar of Giggleswick till 1558. During his first five years Richard Carr, assisted for a time by Thomas Iveson, was continuing to teach in the small and irregular building of James, his uncle; and as a stipend he was receiving annually L5 6s. 8d.

This money ceased to be paid after 1553, in which year on May 26 Edward VI "of happy memory" was pleased to grant a Charter to the School and to endow it with property. This he did at the humble petition of John Nowell, vicar, Henry Tennant, gentleman, and other inhabitants of the town and parish of Giggleswick in Craven.

Quite forgetful of the School's previous existence for over half a century, he ordains that "from henceforth there may and shall be one Grammar School ... which shall be called the Free Grammar School of King Edward the Sixth of Giggleswick, and the same School for ever to continue of one Schoolmaster or Headmaster and of one Under Master or Usher."

This limitation of the teaching staff to one Headmaster and one Usher led to serious qualms of conscience among the Governors in the last decade of the eighteenth century, when the revenues and numbers of the School had been very greatly increased. They then added to the number of the staff and discovered that they had contravened the Charter of Edward VI, and this difficulty was one of those that led to the application in 1795 for new Statutes.

It was to be a "free" school, not in any restricted, unusual sense of the word, not free from ecclesiastical interference, that did not come till the nineteenth century, not free from temporal interference, that has never come, but free from fees, giving gratuitous teaching. The Charter was an English document translated into Latin. Hence it is not a question whether the word "libera" can ever be understood in the sense of gratuitous. The Latin word is used as being not the exact, but the nearest equivalent of the English. The Free Grammar School undoubtedly meant exemption from fees and all other meanings are heresies of the nineteenth century, fostered only too willingly by those guardians of Grammar Schools, who were not eager to fill their class-rooms with boys from the locality free of charge and so to exclude the sons of "strangers" who were ready to pay for the privilege. The Charter then named eight men of the more discreet and honest inhabitants of the Town and Parish of Giggleswick to be Governors of the said School. They were:

JOHN NOWELL, Vicar. WILLIAM CATTERALL, of Newhall. HENRY TENNANT, Gentleman. THOMAS PROCTER, of Cletehop. HUGH NEWHOUSE, of Giggleswick. WILLIAM BROWNE, of Settle. ROGER ARMISTED, of Knight Stayneforde. WILLIAM BANK of Fesar.

The Vicar, for the time being, must always be a Governor and with one other he had the sole power of summoning the rest to a meeting. Collectively they could appoint the Headmaster and Usher, make elections to their own body, when any other than the Vicar died or left the neighbourhood, and make statutes and ordinances for the government of the School with the advice of the Bishop of the Diocese. If the Vicar should infringe the said statutes they could for the time being elect another of the inhabitants into his place. They were a corporate body and could have a common seal.

An endowment was provided for them out of the confiscated property of S. Andrewes College, Acaster, in the parishe of Styllingflete in the Countie and Citie of York. Acaster had been founded about 1470 and consisted of three distinct schools, Grammar, Song and Writing, the last intended to "teach all such things as belonged to Scrivener Craft." The property included land in North Cave, South and North Kelthorpe and Brampton. A further grant was made of land in Edderwick, Rise and Aldburgh which had formed part of the endowment of the Chantry of the Blessed Virgin Mary in the parish of Rise and Aldburgh.

These lands were situated in the East Riding and their whole value amounted annually to L23 3s. of which they had to pay an annual rent to the King of sixty-three shillings. The Trustees were further allowed to purchase or receive gifts of land, etc., for the maintenance of the School, provided that such additional endowment did not exceed the clear yearly value of L30.

The grant does not sound over-generous, but it is necessary to multiply money to twenty times its value, in order to obtain a clear estimate of it in this century. On such a computation it would amount to L400 a year after paying the King's rent, and in addition, it would be possible to acquire by gifts or legacies another L600, making a possible income of L1,000. The Common Seal that the Governors used is of an origin altogether obscure. It represents presumably the Virgin and Child while below is the figure of a man praying. Round the rim are the words:

Sigillum Prebendarii de Bulidon

It may be that Bulidon has in course of time been corrupted and that some modernized form of it exists, with records of a collegiate church. It is quite clearly the seal of a canon or prebendary, but as yet no one has discovered his church or his name. Perhaps Nowell was a prebendary and this was his seal, which he transferred to the Governors for their corporate use.

The Governors were empowered to make "de tempore in tempus" fit and wholesome Statutes and Ordinances in writing concerning the Governors ... how they shall behave and bear themselves in their office ... and for what causes they may be removed; and touching the manner and form of choosing and nominating of the chief master and undermaster, and touching the ordering, government and direction of the chief master and undermaster and of the scholars of the said School, which said Statutes were to be inviolately observed from time to time for ever.

No record remains of Statutes made in accordance with this royal permission until thirty-nine years later. Custom no doubt played a great part in the government of the School and it continued steadily on the lines first laid down by James Carr. But towards the close of the century the country was awakening from the materialism which had girt it round. The danger of invasion had passed away. The seeds of religious fervour were bearing fruit. A militant, assertive Puritanism was vigorously putting forward its feelers throughout the length and breadth of England, nor was education the last to be affected. Throughout history it has been the aim of the enthusiast to make education conform to a single standard. Sometimes it has been the value of the disputation, sometimes of the sense of Original Sin, sometimes of the classics. At the close of the sixteenth century Original Sin had become an important factor in the theories of the expert, and its presence is marked in the Giggleswick Ancient Statutes of 1592.

On Sunday the 2nd of July, 1592, between the hours of three and five in the afternoon, Christopher Foster, public notary and one of the Proctors of the Consistory Court at York, appeared personally before John, Archbishop of York, in the great chamber of the Palace at Bishopthorp. He there presented his letters mandatory, sealed with the common seal, for Christopher Shute, Clerk, Bachelor of Divinity, Vicar of the Parish Church of Giggleswick, Henry Tenant, Antony Watson, Richard Chewe, gentlemen, Thos. Banckes, and Roger Carre, yeomen.

He had brought with him "Letters Patent wrote on vellum of the late King Edward the Sixth of happy memory concerning the foundacion of the said ffree Grammar School and sealed with the great seal of England." These he shewed to the Archbishop together with certain wholesome Statutes and Ordinances, which they had determined upon. The Archbishop consented to deliberate concerning the matter and consulted with counsel learned in the law in that behalf. Later on the 3rd day of October after mature deliberation, he was pleased to transmit the said Statutes to be registered in the Chancellor's Court at York by the hands of John Benet, Doctor of Laws and Vicar General. The Statutes were accordingly confirmed and remained valid for over two hundred years.

The Governors bound themselves to choose from time to time men of true and sound religion, fearing God and of honest conversation. In spite of these somewhat grandiose qualifications it was found necessary to make a second regulation by which each Governor on his election should protest and swear before the Vicar of Giggleswick and the rest of the Governors to be true and faithful towards the School and its emoluments and profits and not to purloin or take away any of the commodities of the same, whereby it might be impoverished or impaired in any respect.

The third paragraph provided for the election of a new governor in case of a vacancy occurring through removal from the district or "if any of them be convicted of any notorious cryme:" in his place was to be chosen a godly, discreet, and sober person. Once, at least, every half-year they were to visit the School and examine the labours of the Master and Usher and also the proceedings of the Scholars in good literature. If any fault was to be found in the observation of the Statutes on the part of the Master or Usher or Scholars, the Governors had the right, of admonishing the offenders and if after admonition twice given amendment was not made, they could remove them. On the other hand the control of the Master over the Scholars was not absolute, but was shared with the Governors.

Finally they were to see to the revenues of the School, and to pay stipends to the Master and Usher, "neither shall they make any wilful waste of the profits but be content with a moderate allowance, when they are occupied about the business of the said School."

THE MASTER.

The Master was to be a man fearing God, of true religion and godly conversation, not given to dicing, carding, or any other unlawful games. These Statutes were the outcome of custom and it is not unreasonable to suppose that while such general expressions as true religion and godly conversation represented the national feeling of the time, particular prohibitions of dicing and carding had reference to special weaknesses of the contemporary Master. Thus at Dronfield in 1579 the Master was particularly enjoined not to curse or revile his scholars.

The three following clauses refer to the instruction of the Scholars in godly Authors for Christian Religion, and other meet and honest Authors for more Knowledge of the Liberal Sciences. He shall once every week catechize his Scholars in the Knowledge of the Christian Religion and other godly Duties to the end their Obedience in Life may answer to their proceedings in godly Literature.

He shall not teach them any unsavoury or Popish doctrines or infect their young wits with heresies. He shall not use in the School any language to his Scholars which be of riper years and proceedings but only the Latin, Greek or Hebrew, nor shall he willingly permit the use of the English Tongue to them which are or shall be able to speak Latin. These are regulations typical of the century and we shall return to them more fully on a later page.

Giggleswick was a free school but it was clearly not intended to be only a local school, for the Master was to teach indifferently, that is to say, impartially, the Poor as well as the Rich, and the Parishioner as well as the Stranger, and, as they shall profit in learning, so he shall prefer them, without respect of persons.

Vacations were to consist of two weeks at Easter, three weeks at Christmas, and three weeks to be by the said Master appointed when he thinketh it most convenient for his Scholars to be exercised in writing under a Scrivener for their better exercise in that faculty; provided that he could also upon any convenient occasion grant an intermission from study, in any afternoon, whensoever he seeth the same expedient or necessary. He himself could not be absent at any other time above six days, in any one quarter without the special license of the Governors.

For these pains and labours he was to receive as recompense the yearly stipend of twenty marks or L13 6s. 8d. of lawful English money, to be paid twice in the year in equal portions at the feast of S. Peter Advincula and at the feast of the Purification of Our Lady. Lastly he was not to "begyne to teache or dismiss the schoole without convenient prayers and thankesgyveing in that behalfe publiquely to be used."

THE USHER.

The Usher likewise was to be a man "of sounde religion and sober lyfe and able to train up the youth in godliness and vertue:" obedient to the Master and directed by him in his teaching. Every year he was to prefer one whole form or "seedge" to the Master's erudition and if they failed, he would stand subject to censure from the Master and Governors.

He was not to absent himself more than four days in any quarter without license from the Master and Governors and in the absence of the Master was to supply his office. For this he received just half the former's yearly stipend, or L6 13s. 4d., to be paid in equal portions twice in the year.

Together they had to begin work every morning at 6-30, "if they shall see it expedient," and continue till 11-0 a.m. Then they had a rest till 1-0 o'clock, after which they worked till 5-0 p.m.; except during the winter season when the times of beginning of the school and dismissing of the same shall be left to the discretion of the Master. They could with the assent of the Archbishop of York and upon admonition twice given be expelled from their office or upon one admonition or two be fined or censured according to the quality of their offence.

THE SCHOLARS.

The Governors alone, with the consent of the Master, could expulse a Scholar for rebelliously and obstinately withstanding the Master or Usher; but if any scholar, upon proof first had, should be found altogether negligent or incapable of learning, at the discretion of the Master he could be returned to his friends to be brought up in some other honest trade and exercise of life.

They could not be absent without leave: and if they did not obey the two Prepositors, by the Master to be appointed for order and quietness in the School they were to be subject to the severe censure of the Master or Usher. Lastly if they behaved themselves irreverently at home or abroad towards their parents, friends, or any others whatsoever, or complained of correction moderately given them by the Master or Usher, they were to be severely corrected for the same.

The stipends of the Master and Usher were not wholly ungenerous. Mulcaster, who had founded Merchant Taylors' School and had two hundred and fifty boys under his charge received only L10: at Rotherham the Grammar Master received L10 15s. 4d.; this was in 1483 but it was extremely good pay for the period. Even Eton College which had a revenue of over L1,000 at the time of Edward VI's Chantry Commissioners' Report was only paying its Schoolmaster L10. It is true that these Schools had also a varying number of boys paying small fees, but such additional income was not part of the foundation. For Giggleswick with a revenue of L20 (exclusive of the King's rent of L3 3s.) and a further possible revenue of L30, to pay the whole of its L20 as a stipend to the Headmaster and Usher was a distinctly liberal proceeding.

The discretionary power of the Master with regard to the discipline of the School appears to be greatly limited. He is bidden appoint two prepositors, he is even advised as to some particular occasions on which he shall correct the scholars. But these regulations probably only codify existing custom, and in practice, no doubt, the Master would find himself almost entirely free from control. Nevertheless such regulations were not without their danger.



CHAPTER III.

Schools and their Teaching in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries.

From the fifteenth century at least the local Grammar School was the normal place of education for all classes but the highest. In 1410 an action for trespass was brought by two masters of Gloucester Grammar School against a third master, who had set up an unlicensed school in the town and "whereas they used to take forty pence or two shillings a quarter, they now only took twelve pence," and therefore they claimed damages. In the course of the argument the Chief Justice declared that "if a man retains a Master in his house to teach his children, he damages the common Master of the town, but yet he will have no action."

Instances such as this tend to shew that it was the exception for boys to be taught either at home by a private tutor or under a man other than the Public Schoolmaster.

In England, Schools, from the first, that is from their introduction together with Christianity, had been exclusively ecclesiastical institutions and were under ecclesiastical authority and regulation. In 1215 the Fourth Lateran Council had said that there should be a Schoolmaster in every Cathedral, and that he should be licensed by the Bishop. In 1290 at Canterbury the Master had even the power of excommunicating his Scholars. At a later date many chantry priests by the founder's direction, a few voluntarily undertook the task of teaching. In 1547 they were compelled to do so by a law, which after a year was rendered nugatory by the confiscation of Chantries. In 1558 Elizabeth ordained that every Schoolmaster and Teacher should take the oath, not only of Supremacy but also of Allegiance. Even after the Reformation they had still to get the Bishop's license and this continued till the reign of Victoria, save for a brief period during the Commonwealth, when County Committees and Major-Generals took the responsibility.

The curriculum in Schools at the beginning of the sixteenth century consisted of what was called the Trivium, Grammar, Dialectic, and Rhetoric. The Quadrivium or Music, Arithmetic, Geometry and Astronomy, was relegated to the Universities and only pursued by very few. In 1535 Henry VIII wished "laten, greken, and hebrewe to be by my people applied and larned." Latin was not in those days a mere method of training the youthful mind, it was much more a practically useful piece of knowledge. It was a standard of communication and a storehouse of phrases. It was taught in the most approved fashion, as a language to be spoken to fit them, as Brinsley says, "if they shall go beyond the seas, as gentlemen who go to travel. Factors for merchants and the like."

Almost every boy learned his Latin out of the same book. Lily's Grammar was ordered to supplant all others in 1540. The smallest local Grammar Schools had much the same text-books and probably as good scholars as Eton or Winchester or Westminster. The Master and Scholars must not talk any language other than Latin, Greek or Hebrew according to the Giggleswick Statutes, and at Eton and Westminster the same rule applied; at those Schools any boy discovered talking English was punished with the name of Custos, a title which involved various unpleasant duties.

Greek and Hebrew are both in the Giggleswick curriculum. Hallam says that in 1500 not more than three or four persons could be mentioned, who had any tincture of Greek. Colet, in his re-foundation Statutes of S. Paul's School ordained that future Headmasters "must be learned in good and clean Latin Literature" and also "in Greek, if such may be gotten." But towards the close of the century Greek had become well-established. Durham introduced it in 1593, the Giggleswick Statutes imply its use in 1592, and Camden, Headmaster of Westminster, in 1597 brought out a Greek Grammar, which became as universal as Lily's Latin Grammar.

Of Hebrew there are few records, and none at Giggleswick, it was probably allotted very little time, and certainly at the Universities, it was for long at a very low ebb.

With regard to English very little was done. Erasmus was responsible for a slightly wider outlook and he encouraged History in Latin books and in a less degree Geography as a method of illustration. Mulcaster who published his book "Positions" in 1561 deplored the fact that education still began with Latin, although religion was no longer "restrained to Latin." The Giggleswick Statutes set it forth that the Master shall instruct his scholars—for more knowledge of the Liberal Sciences and catechize them every week in the knowledge of Christian Religion.

If the Liberal Sciences were the appointed task, and, if in addition, he must speak Latin or Greek or Hebrew, the boy of 1592, long as his school hours undoubtedly were, would be well occupied. We have no evidence on the point, but we can conjecture from other sources the nature of the knowledge of Christian Religion that they were expected to have.

The Primer was the layman's service-book, and consisted largely of matter taken from the Horae or Hours of the Blessed Virgin Mary:

This litel child his litel book lerninge, As he sat in the scole at his prymer.

In 1545 Henry VIII had issued a new edition in consequence of the Reformation and he now set it forth as the only edition to be used, and emphasized the importance of learning in the vernacular, the Pater Noster—Ave Maria—Creed—and Ten Commandments.

The Primer was a book of devotion, the Catechism was rather a summary of doctrines. Alexander Nowell, Dean of S. Paul's and possibly a brother of the Giggleswick John Nowell had published a Catechism in 1570, which supplanted all others even those "sett fourth by the Kinges majesties' authoritie for all scolemaisters to teache," and it was Nowell's Catechism that the School Statutes expected to be used.

The Bible was not definitely a school subject till 1604, and although it was in earlier use in some places of education, there is no mention of it at Giggleswick. There is however one more religious aspect of school life that was very general and is mentioned in these particular Statutes. The Master shall not begin to teache or dismiss the School without convenient Prayers and Thanksgivings. The Prayers would probably consist of the Ten Commandments, the Lord's Prayer, and the Creed.

Of Grace there is no mention, but in 1547 Edward VI had issued injunctions that "All Graces to be said at dinner and supper shall be always said in the English Tongue."

Every year the Master was allowed to appoint three weeks for the boys to be exercised in writing under a Scrivener. There were in Yorkshire peripatetic Scriveners, who used to wander from school to school and teach them for a few weeks in the year, after which the writing in the school would be neglected. At Durham School the writing had to be encouraged by a system of prizes, by which the best writer in the class would receive every Saturday all the pens and paper of his fellows in the form. St. Bees Grammar School in 1583 tried a similar system from another point of view, they paid the Usher 4d. yearly for every boy "that he shall teach to write, so long as he takes pains with them." But paper was a very great expense; for by the year 1600 there were only two paper factories in England and the price for small folio size was nearly 4d. a quire. Writing indeed was only beginning to be common in the schools, it had long been looked upon merely as a fine art and for ordinary purposes children had been taught by means of sand spread over a board. Henceforward steps are taken all over England to ensure its teaching; at first the expert, the Scrivener, goes round from school to school, but later the ability of the Ushers improves and no longer need they fear the competition of a rival, they begin to teach the boys themselves and writing becomes a part of the ordinary curriculum.

It will be recognized that there is a central motive of religion pervading the teaching and conduct of schools towards the close of the sixteenth century, and in the seventeenth, as there always had been. "We have filled our children's bones with sin" says Hezekiah Woodward, "and it is our engagement to do all we can to root out that which we have been a means to root in so fast." A more serious spirit was abroad. The young man was to abstain from singing or humming a tune in company "especially if he has an unmusical or rough voice." Schoolmasters were to abstain from "dicing and carding," scholars from misdemeanour and irreverent behaviour towards others.

Latin, Greek and Hebrew, became the "holy languages" because they were so closely allied with the Sacred Scriptures. Throughout education a deeper sense of the value of religious teaching, a deeper conviction that sin was detestable, a greater respect for outward sobriety fastened upon the minds of those who were responsible for education, and the children whom they trained grew up to be the fathers and mothers of the intense enthusiasts, who enforced religious freedom by the execution of their King.



CHAPTER IV.

Christopher Shute and Robert Dockray, 1599-1642.

Christopher Shute was appointed Vicar of Giggleswick in 1576. He had been a Sizar of Pembroke Hall, Cambridge, in 1561 and graduated B.A. in 1564, M.A. 1568, and B.D. in 1580. He was a writer on religious subjects and published "A Compendious Forme and Summe of Christian Doctrine, meete for well-disposed Families" and among other writings "A verie Godlie and necessary Sermon preached before the young Countess of Cumberland in the North, the 24th of November, 1577."

After he had been appointed Vicar of Giggleswick by Queen Elizabeth, he took a very sincere interest in the fortunes of the School, and at his suggestion and Henry Tennant's the Statutes of 1592 were set forth. In 1599 he began a Minute-Book to record "all constitutions, orders, eleccions, decrees, statutes, ordinances, graunts, accounts, reckenninges and rents for the free Grammar Schoole of Giggleswick of the donacion and grant of the most famous king of late memorie, Edward the Sixt by the grace of God, King of England, Fraunce, Ireland, etc. Beginning the five and twentieth daie of March, Anno Domini, 1599. Annoque regni Reginae Elizabethae etc. quadragesimo primo." These being Governors:

CHRISTOPHER SHUTE, Vicar. JOHN CATTERALL. HENRIE TENNANT. ANTHONY WATSONNE. RICHARD CHEWE. THOMAS BANKES. HENRIE SOMERSCALES. RICHARD FRANCLAUND.

He did not give the book definitely until 1604 "ad usum legum, decretorum, electionum, compitorum," and there are no entries in it between the years 1599 and 1603.

The period during which Christopher Shute was a Governor was marked by great prosperity in the fortunes of the School. During the first twenty years of the new century, many rich gifts were received. The first of these that is recorded is in 1603 when John Catterall, Esquire, of Newhall, leased to his fellow Governors a meadow in Rathmell for "their only use and behoof" for twenty-one years; the Governors leased it in their turn for an annual rent of 33s. 4d. and eventually, though the exact date is not mentioned, John Catterall bought it back for a fixed sum of L13 6s. 8d. and an annual rent of 33s. 4d. as the former lessee had not paid his rent.

In 1603 also, William Clapham, Vicar of "Runtoun in the county of Northfolke by his last will and testament bearing daite the fyft day of July, 1603," bequeathed to the schoole the patronage, free gift and advowson of the Churches and Rectories of Fulmodestone, Croxton and Rolleston in the county of Norfolk, "And the yearlie pension or porcionn paiable out of them of iiijli. viijs. viijd. I will that iiijli. thereof be yearlie for ever imploied towards the maytaynance or fynding of a poore scholer of the said schoole of Gigleswick, being of the said parish of Gigleswicke or Clapham, to be kept to Learning in somme Colledge in Cambridge: Provided alwaies and my will is that he shall be one of the Claphams or Claphamsons, if there shall be anie of those names meete and fitte theirfore, and to have the said yearly allowance of iiijli. for the space of seaven yeares, if he continue and abide in Cambridge so long." ... "And the other viijs. viijd. I will that the one half theirof shall be bestowed yearlie toward a potacionn amongst the poore schollers of the same schoole, for the tyme being one Saincte Gregories daie, and the other half distributed amongst the poore of the said parish of Gigleswick yearlie on Easter daie for ever, to be ordered, governed and distributed from tyme to tyme by the Feoffees, overseers, governors, and rulers of the said Schoole for the tyme being, whereof one to be a Clapham if their be anie of the name in the same parish meet for that office."

Potations, thus provided for by William Clapham, were common to many schools and were gifts of food and beer by the Master to the Scholars, who in their turn were expected to bring gifts of money and thus enable the Master of a Free School to get an addition to his pay. At Nottingham Dame Mellers in 1512 did "straitlye enjoyne that the Scholemaister, and Usshers, nor any of them, have, make, nor use any potacions, cock-fighte or drinking with his or their wiffe at wiffes' hoost or hoostices, but only twice in the yeare nor take any other giftes or avayles, whereby the Schollers or their Frendes should be charged, but at the playsure of the frends of the Scholers, save the wages to be payde by the sayde Gardyans." On the other hand in the Hartlebury School Statutes, 1565, it is written "the said Schoolmaster shall ... take the profitts of all such Cocke-fights and potations as be comonlie used in Scholes." At Cambridge "they have a potation of Figgs, Reasons and Almons, Bonnes and Beer at the charge of the sayed Determiners."

Such was the custom and William Clapham evidently intended by his gift of 4s. 4d. to relieve the Master from the expense and allow the gifts to be pure profit. Unfortunately no record has been traced of any gifts though there are entries in the Minute-Books of payment of expenses on March 12, 1626, "charges this day vis. vid.," which probably refer to the expenditure upon the scholars. Such mention is quite exceptional up till the close of the seventeenth century. The usual accounts are much briefer, giving no details of expenditure but mentioning the balance only e.g. "their remaineth in the hands of John Banks fifty-eight pounds eighteen shillings sixpence."

In time Clapham's bequest increased in value and was reckoned in the Exhibition Account. Certainly from 1767 the Exhibition Account gave something towards the cost of the Potation. In 1767 it was L1 7s. 0d., in 1770, 11s. 3d. In 1782 it becomes a fixed sum of L1 10s. 4d. and the Governors make up the rest from another account. In one year 1769 it was regarded as a joint expenditure by the Governors and Masters. During the last twenty years of the eighteenth century the expenditure averaged L2 10s. 0d. In 1814 it was L8 1s. 2d., thus proving independently that the numbers of the School must have increased considerably. In 1839 figs and bread are mentioned as having been bought and the Charity Commissioners' Report of 1825 says that beer had ceased to be provided. The figs and bread continued to be distributed till 1861, after which the practice ceased.

The Scholarship to "some colledge in Cambridge" was gradually merged with other gifts in a general Exhibition Account and it is only rarely possible to distinguish a holder of the Clapham Exhibition. Indeed L4 was not a luxurious sum as time went on.

On June 29th, 1604 Henry Tennant of Cleatopp, who had already shewn himself eager for the welfare of the School by supporting the petition of Christopher Shute for the confirmation of the Statutes, gave L100 to the Governors of the School. With this money they were to buy lands or rent charges "to and for such use, purpose and intent that the yearly revenues, yssues, and profittes ... shall and maie be by them ... emploied first for and towardes the better mantaynance of Josias Shute, one of the sonnes of the said Christopher Shute, in Cambridge, until such tyme as he shall be admitted to be Master of Arts in the said Universitie, and from yeare to yeare for ever for and towards the releiving and mantayninge of such schollers within the Universitie of Cambridge, one after another successivelie, as shall be naturallie borne within the said parish of Giggleswick and instructed and brought upp to learning at the said free Grammer Schoole, and as shall be elected and chosen out of the said Schoole by the Master and Governors ... to be fitt for that purpose." Each one was to receive the money until he became Master of Arts, so long as he did not defer the time beyond the customary limit nor remove nor discontinue his place.

This gift Tennant confirmed in his will of July 5 in the same year with a further gift of all his lands and hereditaments in Settle and the "ancient yearlie rent of five shillings be it more or lesse." This was to "go towards the procuringe and obtayninge of an Exhibicioun for a poore scholler or seizer in somme one Colledge in Cambridge until ... he shall or may be Bachelor of Arts.... The same poore scholler to be borne within the parish of Giggleswick and brought upp at the schoole their att learninge and to be elected ... by the Maister and Governors." Clapham's advowsons and rent-charge were sold by the Governors on June 20, 1604, to "one Symon Paycock, of Barney, and Robart Claphamson, of Hamworth, in the countie of Northfolk, clarke" in consideration of the payment of one hundred marks and the lands in Settle left by Henry Tennant were sold to Antonie Procter, of Cleatopp, on January 14, 1604 for L40. These two sums together with Henry Tennant's former gift of L100 helped to make up L240, with which the Governors on January 19, 1609, bought a rent-charge of L14 13s. 4d., which has been paid them ever since. Being a rent-charge, it is not liable to fluctuation.

The first elections were made on February 14, 1604. Josias Shute did not take his B.A. degree till 1605 nor his M.A. till 1609, so that the clause in Henry Tennant's will referring to him still held and he was receiving the interest on L100, but there is also the interest on the lands in Settle which had been sold for L40 and were bringing in L4 yearlie.

Thomas, one of the sons of Christopher Shute, and Alexander Bankes, of Austwick, in the parish of Clapham (also a relative of one of the Governors) were elected to the two Exhibitions. But as Clapham's money continued for seven yeares, they were each to receive L4 a year for four years and to divide the Clapham Exhibition during the next three years, if both continued in the University. This was done "for their better mantaynance and to take awaie emulation."

Thereafter elections were frequently made, until the merging of the funds in the general foundation of the School by the scheme of 1872.

In 1507, the half-acre of land on which James Carr, capellanus, had built his school had been leased for seventy-nine years for a yearly rent of "xijd. of good and lawfull moneye of England," and when the seventy-nine years were up, the lease was to be renewable on a payment of 6s. 8d. Clearly it had been renewed in 1586 but no record remains. In 1610 "on the ffourteenth daie of December, Sir Gervysse Helwysse and Sir Richard Williamson were owners in ffee farme of the Rectorie and Parsonage of Giglesweke." Durham had ceased to possess it, on the Confiscation of Finchale Priory, and in 1601 Robert Somerskayles had bought it of the Crown.

Sir Gervysse Helwysse and Sir Richard Williamson "in consideracion of a certeyne somme of money to them in hand paid, but especially at the request and mediacion of the said Christofer Shutt" sold "all that house comonly called the Schoolehouse in Giglesweke afforesaid and that close adioyneing therto, called the Schoolehouse garth, parcell of the said Rectorye."

The amount of the "certeyne somme of monye" is not declared. The land now belonged to the School, but the xijd. yearly had still to be paid as part of the fee farm rent, payable for the Rectory to the King's majesty.

The next important bequest comes from Richard Carr, Vicar of Hockleigh in Essex, who died in 1616. He was a great-grandson of the brother of James, the founder of the School. The family interest was maintained and at his death he left a house in Maldon, called Seely House Grove, with all its appurtenances to his wife Joan and after her death to the "Societye, Companie and Corporation of Christe Colledge in Cambridge." He also bequeathed direct to the College "a tenement at Hackwell alias Hawkwell in the Countie of Essex called Mount Bovers or Munde Bovers."

These lands "during the naturall life of my foresaid wife, Joane" were to be used for the provision of five Scholarships at L5 apiece and after the death of Joane the whole estate was to provide eight Scholarships at L5, and two Fellowships at twenty marks (L13 6s. 8d.) apiece. The Scholarships were to continue until the holder had time to "commence Master of Arts," if he abode so long, and the Fellowships until they had time to "commence Bachelor of Divinitie."

The Scholars had to be born in the parish of Giggleswick or be children "lawfullie begotten of my brother-in-law, Robert Thornton and my sister Jeanet, his wife, in the parish of Clapham and of their children's posteritie for ever." They must have been brought up in the free School of Giggleswick and were to be "chosen from the poorer sort though they be not altogether so learned, as other scholars, who have richer friends." If any of the founder's kin were not immediately ready for the Scholarship, it could be held over for one year and the amount for that year distributed among the Sizars of the College. Never more than four of his kin might hold the Scholarship at one time.

The Fellowships were to be offered to his two nephews "Richard Carr, now of Peterhouse, and Robert Thornton, of Jesus Colledge in Cambridge." If they should be unable to accept them the "Maister and Fellowes of Christe Colledge" shall elect fellows from the number only of those "who have or at least have had some of the aforesaid scholarships and none other to be capable of them."

The College Authorities were asked to provide convenient chambers and studies for both Fellows and Scholars and to account them as Fellows and Scholars of the College.

In consequence of the provision that the Scholars were to be elected from "the poorer sort" an agreement was made in 1635 by which those elected were allowed to receive the L5 and yet go to another College. For L5 was quite inadequate and at Christ's "by reason of the poverty of the holders, no Fellow is found willing to undertake for them as a Tutor in respect of the hazard thereof." Tempest Thornton is the only name recorded as a Giggleswick Fellow and he held office in 1625. The reason why no other was ever elected is given in a letter from Thomas Atherton, Fellow of Christ's, written May 29, 1718, to Richard Ellershaw, Vicar of Giggleswick, in which he says that it was "owing to our having lost that part of the Estate thus bequeathed us called Seely House Grove, which was sued for and recovered a great while ago by some or other that laid claim to it."

The farms in Hockley and Maldon are still in their possession and one of them retains its name, Munde Bowers. Never more than six Scholarships a year had been given and in 1718 the income was L31 a year. In 1890 there were apparently two Carr Exhibitions of L50 a year each, while at the present day there is one of L50 tenable for three years, but it is possible that in a few years another Exhibition may be given occasionally.

In 1619 the term of Christopher Shute's Headmastership drew to a close. He resigned and his place was taken by the Rev. Robert Dockray. It cannot be ascertained how long Shute had been Master, for the earliest expenditure which is entered in the Minute-Book was in 1615 and therein:

Item: to Mr. Shute and Mr. Claphamson for monie that was behind of their wages L1 17 4

This entry establishes the fact that one Christopher Shute was Master in 1615 and the receipts continue in his name for four years until 1619. Tradition says that the Vicar and Master were one and the same person, but there are certain difficulties in the way. In the first place the Vicar was over seventy years of age, secondly there is no Grace Book or extant contemporary writing or extract from the Parish Registers, in which he is called both Vicar and Master. Thirdly, the Vicar's son, Josias, is said to have been educated by his father, until he was of an age to go to the Grammar School. On the other hand Shute may have undertaken the work of the Master for a few years only and owing to some especial necessity, which has not been recorded. Secondly there is no record of any Christopher Shute, other than the Vicar, who in 1615 could have acted as Master. Nathaniel Shute had a son Christopher, who was later a Fellow of Christ's, Cambridge, but at this date he was still a boy. Thirdly the signatures in the Minute-Book of both Master and Vicar are very similar.

The year 1619 is the latest date at which the Vicar took any active part in the advancement of the School and his work may be briefly summarised. With Henry Tennant, he had petitioned Archbishop Piers for his assent to the Statutes, which they had drawn up. In 1599 he had procured a parchment-covered book, which he called "Liber Christopheri Shute et amicorum" and in 1604 he presented it to the School. The book contains elections of Scholars, elections of Governors, Accounts, Receipts, etc.; it is not full of important matter, but is rather a bare record of certain facts.

In 1610 he was responsible with Robert Bankes and John Robinson for the purchase of the land on which the School stood, and during his mastership the Clapham, Tennant and Carr bequests were made. Such benefactions in themselves denote the fame of the School, and the result of its teaching is seen in the pupils it sent forth.

Nathaniel Shute was born at Giggleswick "his father, Christopher Shute being the painful Vicar thereof." He was educated at the School and went thence to Christ's College, Cambridge; he became a most excellent scholar and solid preacher, though nothing of his work remains save the Corona Caritatis, a sermon preached at the funeral of Master Fishbourn. He died in 1638.

Josias Shute, born in 1588, was the brother of Nathaniel and from Giggleswick went on to Trinity College, Cambridge. In 1611 he became Rector of S. Mary Wolnoth, Lombard Street, and remained there over thirty years. He was "the most precious jewell ever seen in Lombard Street," but suffered much during the civil disturbances of the reign. Charles I made him Archdeacon of Colchester in 1642, and he died on June 14, 1643. His funeral sermon was preached by Ephraim Udall.



He was a skilled Hebrew scholar a language which he had probably begun to study at Giggleswick, and he left many manuscripts which were posthumously published by his brother Timothy. While he was still at Cambridge, he had enjoyed the interest on L100 given by Henry Tennant and in gratitude therefor and for other benefits received at the School he left to the Governors by a will dated June 30, 1642, certain parcels of land in the parish of Giggleswick, called Eshton Close, Cappleriggs Close and Huntwait Fields. The rent of these fields was to be apportioned in two ways. Five pounds was to be given yearly to the maintaining of a poor Scholar of the parish, who had been educated in the School, at either University until he became Master of Arts. The remainder of the rent was to be distributed amongst the poor of Giggleswick, who were most pious and had most need. The land increased in value greatly. In 1683 the rent amounted to L6 8s. 0d., and in 1697 L7 5s. 10d. Seventy years later it had almost doubled and in 1806 it was L34 6s. 0d.

In the latter year the Governors effected an exchange. Huntwait was given up for Tarn Brow and the rent rose five pounds. In spite of this gradual increase in value, the Governors only allotted the five pounds to the Exhibition Fund, the rest went to the poor of Giggleswick, to be distributed on the day of the Purification of the Virgin Mary. The five pounds was as a rule paid as an extra Exhibition in addition to the sum received from the Burton rent-charge, which had been bought with the money left by William Clapham and Henry Tennant, and the recipients were often especially mentioned as poor, notably in 1652 and again in 1673.

On December 13, 1872, Tarn Brow was sold for L1,000 and apportioned to pay part of the cost of the buildings which were then being erected. The Governors were directed to pay three-and-a-half per cent. interest on the sum expended. Cappleriggs was let for L20 a year and Eshton for L11.

The whole income now arising from these sources is applied in providing certain boys with total exemptions from payment of tuition fees and the costs of books and stationery: they are called Shute Exhibitions and are offered in the first instance to boys who are in attendance at a Public Elementary School in the ancient parish of Giggleswick.

Christopher Shute had three other sons who were all ministers of the Church and were "all great (though not equal) Lights, set up in fair Candlesticks."

He had done his duty as a Father, he had more than done his duty as Vicar and Governor. It is unfortunate that there is no portrait of him, for it would then be possible to discern the scholarly and courtly grace of the man under whom the School more than it had ever done before or was to do again until the nineteenth century flourished and prospered and grew notable. He died, still Vicar and Governor, in 1626. "Happy a father who had his quiver full with five such sons."

The Rev. Robert Dockray succeeded in 1619 as Master, and Henry Claphamson, who had been Usher certainly since 1615, possibly earlier though no records exist, continued in the office. The pay of both had increased since 1592. The Ancient Statutes of that date give the stipend of the Master as twenty marks (L13 6s. 8d.), and of the Usher as L6 13s. 4d., with power to the Governors to increase it. It cannot be ascertained when a change was made but in the half-year Accounts for 1617 there occurs the entry:

Item: to the Maister and Usher, xvli.

Robert Dockray and Henry Claphamson never received less than L20 and L10 yearly apiece after 1619. In 1629 they received an additional gratuity, the Master, of twenty nobles, i.e. L6 13s. 4d. and the Usher, of L3 6s. 8d.

The School went on its uneventful way. Dockray, the Master, became Vicar and made his protestation as an ex-officio Governor in 1632. In August, 1635, Christopher Lascelles, of Ripon, gentleman, received L20 in consideration of some request he made concerning troubles which he had been put to but which he does not specify. For the rest Governors succeeded Governors, Scholars were sent to the University with aid from the Exhibition money, Master and Usher receipted their wages each half year. The year 1640, is the last in which Robert Dockray appears as a Governor and his last receipt for his wages is dated March of the same year. Henry Claphamson succeeded to his work temporarily for eighteen weeks, receiving 10s. 3d. a week, but himself died before August 1642. Anthony Lister, the Vicar, taught for just over six months at the same rate, and on August 25, 1642, the Rev. Rowland Lucas had earned L9 12s. 0d. as "head scoulmaster."

The Usher's place was taken by William son of Thomas Wilsonne, "Agricolae" in Giggleswick. He had been at the School for ten years under Mr. Dockray and at the age of eighteen had gone up to S. John's, Cambridge, as a Sizar in 1639. Thence he went back to his old School in 1642 and remained there for twenty-four years.



CHAPTER V.

1642—1712.

The Rev. Rowland Lucas was a native of Westmorland and had been educated at Kirkby under Mr. Leake. In 1626 he was admitted to Christ's College, Cambridge, as a Sizar and took his B.A. in three years and his M.A. in 1633. Before he came to Giggleswick he had been Headmaster of Heversham. In 1643 his salary was increased to forty marks and in 1645 to L40, and during his six years many scholars went to Cambridge and won distinction in the world, such as Thomas Dockray and John Carr. At his death in 1648, William Wilsonne, the Usher, supplied his place for a few weeks and later William Walker was elected. He was a native of Giggleswick and had been a boy at the School under Mr. Lucas. In 1643 at the age of eighteen he was admitted as a Sizar at Christ's and commenced B.A. 1646-7 and later M.A.

The numbers of the School at this period are quite uncertain. The accommodation was slight and the teaching staff limited to the Master and Usher, but the boys were probably packed very close. During the nine years of his mastership, boys were steadily sent to Cambridge. Christ's alone admitted twenty-five and in one single year (1652) three others entered S. John's. These boys were sons of really poor men. John Cockett in 1651 was the first recorded receiver of the Shute Exhibition of L5, and in the next year it was given to Josias Dockray, son of the late Master, "whom we conceive to be a poore scoller of our parish." Both these boys became ordained and in time were appointed to one or more livings. For a century and a half Giggleswick fed Christ's with a steady stream of boys who almost without exception entered the service of the Church.

Seventeenth century Giggleswick took no heed of the progress of the School and records do not abound. It was a disturbed period in English history and political and religious troubles occupied men's minds to the exclusion of lesser matters. Giggleswick was nevertheless well-known, for in 1697 Abraham de la Prynne records in his diary an anecdote of a Mr. Hollins who thirty years before had lived at Giggleswick "as I remember in Yorkshire where the great school is." Apparently Anthony Lister, who was then Vicar had roused the resentment of a particular Quaker, who found himself anxious to go to the Parish Church to rebuke Lister publicly, when he began to preach. On his way thither he met a friend and told him of his intention. The man tried to dissuade him but finding argument of no avail, he asked him what induced him to choose this particular Sunday. Whereupon the Quaker replied that "the Spirit" had sent him. The rejoinder came quickly "why did the Spirit not also tell thee that one Roger and not the Vicar is preaching to-day?" There was at this period one particularly distinguished son of Giggleswick, Richard Frankland born at "Rothmelae" (Rathmell) in 1631 who came to the School when he was nine and at the age of seventeen went as a Burton Exhibitioner to Christ's College, Cambridge. The Shute Minute-Book of 1651 has the following entry:

xxjst January, 1651.

Received the day and yeare abovesaid from Robt. Claphamson the some of eight pounds which he received of James Smith, of Burton, for one year's rent, the which is disbursed by us as follows (to witt) to Jane ffrankland for her son, viz. xls.

His father John Frankland is said on his tombstone in Giggleswick Church to be one of the Franklands of "Thartilbe" (Thirkleby, near Thirsk) and he was admitted to Christ's in 1626.

Richard became B.A. in 1651 and M.A. four years later. In 1653 he was "set apart" and received Presbyterian ordination. He was immediately appointed Vicar of Auckland S. Andrew by Sir Arthur Haselrig but was ejected nine years later. He was not an extreme man but he refused to be re-ordained by Bishop Cosen. After the second Conventicle Act of 1670 he made a personal appeal to Charles II, "to reform your life, your family, your kingdom and the Church." The King was much moved and replied "I thank you, Sir," and twice looking back before he went into the Council Chamber said "I thank you, Sir; I thank you." Returning to Rathmell his native place, Frankland opened an Academy, where he gave an University training in Divinity, Law or Medicine. Aristotle was taught and one tutor was a Ramist. The lectures were delivered in Latin. His pupils were not confined to any one denomination, but included Puritans, Presbyterians and Independents.



Fortune smiled very grimly upon him and he was compelled to change his place of instruction on many occasions. His pupils always followed him. One Archbishop excommunicated him, another—Archbishop Sharpe—also a Christ's man, discussed the matter with the help of tobacco and a bottle of wine. Sharpe's main objection was that a second school was not required so close to Giggleswick, and an Academy for public instruction in University Learning could not lawfully receive a Bishop's license. In the main he was undisturbed during his last years and when he died in 1698 over three hundred pupils had passed through his hands and his Academy was later transferred to Manchester and in 1889 to Oxford, where it became known as the Manchester New College. During the period of Frankland's struggles with the dignitaries of the Church, one Samuel Watson, of Stainforth, who had been a Governor of Giggleswick School was in 1661 "willing being a Quaker that another should be elected in his place." Eight years later he interrupted a service in the Parish Church, and the people "brok his head upon ye seates."

In 1656 William Walker resigned the mastership and for three months his place was taken by William Bradley, who had been a pensioner at S. John's, Cambridge, at the same time as the Usher, William Wilsonne. William Brigge was then elected. He was an University man and almost certainly at Cambridge, but his college is doubtful.

In 1659 the Shute Scholarship was to be given "to Tho. Green's son of Stainforth, when a certificate comes of his admittance" into the University. This was a precaution that was not unnecessary. It is only rarely that the money is entered as being paid to the scholar himself: far more often is it paid to the father or mother and sometimes to the boy's college Tutor. On March 12, 1660, it is agreed "that the L5 is to be paid to Tho. Gibson, his Tutor, upon his admittance into the Collidge." In 1673, Hugh, son of Oliver Stackhouse, "being ye poorest scoller" was awarded the money.

The North Cave Estate, which had been given to the School as part of its endowment in 1553, had very greatly increased in value during the hundred years to 1671, when the rents amounted to over L80. The stipends of the Masters were raised by means of a gratuity and William Brigge received L30. No reason appears why after fifteen years' service and an increased gratuity he should still be receiving L10 a year less than one of his predecessors, Rowland Lucas, in 1644.

Thomas Wildeman, the Usher, received L15. Wilson had died in 1666 and one William Cowgill, of whom we know nothing, succeeded him for four years. In 1671 Wildeman took his place. One Thomas Wildeman had been at Giggleswick as a boy and had entered Magdalene, Cambridge, in 1670, and then migrated to Christ's. The dates make it possible that they are the same person, in which case he would be continuing to keep his terms at Cambridge and be acting as Usher at the same time.

The Accounts of the School at this period shew the Governors in a different light. Their expenditure not having increased proportionately to their income, the surplus money was lent out at interest to the people in the village. Hugh Stackhouse, who had gone up to Christ's with school money on account of his great poverty, was at this time acting as Treasurer or Clerk and was one of the earliest to take advantage of the Governors' enterprize. He borrowed L10 at five per cent. and the debt continues to be mentioned for many years. He would appear to be a privileged debtor.

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