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Eighth Annual Report
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This file is intended for users whose browsers or text readers cannot use the "real" (utf-8) version of the text. A few characters that could not be displayed in the latin-1 character set have been "unpacked" and shown within brackets:

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Variant spellings and typographical errors are listed separately after each paper and after the combined Index.]

* * * * *

EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT

of the

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY

to the

Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution

1886-'87

by

J. W. POWELL Director



WASHINGTON Government Printing Office 1891

* * * * *

CONTENTS.

REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR.

Page. Letter of transmittal XV Introduction XVII Publication XVIII Field work XVIII Mound explorations XIX Work of Prof. Cyrus Thomas XIX General field studies XX Work of Mr. A. S. Gatschet XX Work of Mr. Jeremiah Curtin XXI Work of Dr. W. J. Hoffman XXI Office work XXIII Work of Maj. J. W. Powell XXIII Work of Prof. Cyrus Thomas XXIII Work of Mr. Gerard Fowke XXIV Work of Mr. H. L. Reynolds XXIV Work of Mr. James D. Middleton XXIV Work of Mr. James C. Pilling XXIV Work of Mr. Frank H. Cushing XXIV Work of Mr. Charles C. Royce XXV Work of Mr. William H. Holmes XXV Work of Mr. Victor Mindeleff XXVI Work of Mr. Cosmos Mindeleff XXVI Work of Mr. E. W. Nelson XXVII Work of Mr. Lucien M. Turner XXVIII Work of Mr. Henry W. Henshaw XXVIII Work of Col. Garrick Mallery XXVIII Work of Mr. James Mooney XXVIII Work of Mr. John N. B. Hewitt XXVIII Work of Mr. Albert S. Gatschet XXVIII Work of Mr. J. Owen Dorsey XXVIII Work of Dr. W. J. Hoffman XXIX Work of Mr. Jeremiah Curtin XXIX Accompanying papers XXIX A study of Pueblo Architecture, Tusayan and Cibola, by Victor Mindeleff XXX Ceremonial of Hasjelti Dailjis and Mythical Sand Painting of the Navajo Indians, by James Stevenson XXXIV Financial statement XXXVI

ACCOMPANYING PAPERS.

A Study of Pueblo Architecture, Tusayan and Cibola, by Victor Mindeleff.

Introduction 13 Chapter I.—Traditionary history of Tusayan 16 Explanatory 16 Summary of traditions 16 List of traditionary gentes 38 Supplementary legend 40 Chapter II.—Ruins and inhabited villages of Tusayan 42 Physical features of the province 42 Methods of survey 44 Plans and description of ruins 45 Walpi ruins 46 Old Mashongnavi 46 Shitaimuvi 48 Awatubi 49 Horn House 50 Small ruin near Horn House 51 Bat House 52 Mishiptonga 52 Moen-kopi 53 Ruins on the Oraibi wash 54 Kwaituki 56 Tebugkihu, or Fire House 57 Chukubi 59 Payupki 59 Plans and descriptions of inhabited villages 61 Hano 61 Sichumovi 62 Walpi 63 Mashongnavi 66 Shupaulovi 71 Shumopavi 73 Oraibi 76 Moen-kopi 77 Chapter III.—Ruins and inhabited villages of Cibola 80 Physical features of the province 80 Plans and descriptions of ruins 80 Hawikuh 80 Ketchipauan 81 Chalowe 83 Hampassawan 84 K'iakima 85 Matsaki 86 Pinawa 86 Halona 88 Taaaiyalana ruins 89 Kin-tiel and Kinna-Zinde 91 Plans and descriptions of inhabited villages 94 Nutria 94 Pescado 95 Ojo Caliente 96 Zuni 97 Chapter IV.—Architecture of Tusayan and Cibola compared by constructional details 100 Introduction 100 House building 100 Rites and methods 100 Localization of gentes 104 Interior arrangement 108 Kivas in Tusayan 111 General use of kivas by pueblo builders 111 Origin of the name 111 Antiquity of the kiva 111 Excavation of the kiva 112 Access 113 Masonry 114 Orientation 115 The ancient form of kiva 116 Native explanations of position 117 Methods of kiva building and rites 118 Typical plans 118 Work by women 129 Consecration 129 Various uses of kivas 130 Kiva ownership 133 Motives for building a kiva 134 Significance of structural plan 135 Typical measurements 136 List of Tusayan kivas 136 Details of Tusayan and Cibola construction 137 Walls 137 Roofs and floors 148 Wall copings and roof drains 151 Ladders and steps 156 Cooking pits and ovens 162 Oven-shaped structures 167 Fireplaces and chimneys 167 Gateways and covered passages 180 Doors 182 Windows 194 Roof openings 201 Furniture 208 Corrals and gardens; eagle cages 214 "Kisi" construction 217 Architectural nomenclature 220 Concluding remarks 223

CEREMONIAL OF HASJELTI DAILJIS AND MYTHICAL SAND PAINTING OF THE NAVAJO INDIANS, BY JAMES STEVENSON.

Introduction 235 Construction of the Medicine Lodge 237 First day 237 Personators of the gods 237 Second day 239 Description of the sweat houses 239 Sweat houses and masks 242 Preparation of the sacred reeds (cigarettes) and prayer-sticks 242 Third day 244 First ceremony 244 Second ceremony 245 Third ceremony 247 Fourth ceremony (night) 248 Fourth day 249 First ceremony 249 Second ceremony 250 Third ceremony 250 Fourth ceremony 252 Fifth ceremony 253 Sixth ceremony 253 Foods brought into the lodge 256 Fifth day 257 First ceremony 257 Second ceremony 259 Third ceremony 260 Sixth day 261 Seventh day 263 Eighth day 265 Ninth day 269 First ceremony 269 Second ceremony 270 Song of the Etsethle 272 Prayer to the Etsethle 272 Conclusion—the dance 273 Myths of the Navajo 275 Creation of the sun 275 Hasjelti and Hostjoghon 277 The floating logs 278 Naiyenesgony and Tobaidischinni 279 The brothers 280 The old man and woman of the first world 284



ILLUSTRATIONS.

Page. Plate I. Map of the provinces of Tusayan and Cibola 12 II. Old Mashongnavi, plan 14 III. General view of Awatubi 16 IV. Awatubi (Talla-Hogan), plan 18 V. Standing walls of Awatubi 20 VI. Adobe fragment in Awatubi 22 VII. Horn House ruin, plan 24 VIII. Bat House 26 IX. Mishiptonga (Jeditoh) 28 X. A small ruin near Moen-kopi 30 XI. Masonry on the outer wall of the Fire-House, detail 32 XII. Chukubi, plan 34 XIII. Payupki, plan 36 XIV. General view of Payupki 38 XV. Standing walls of Payupki 40 XVI. Plan of Hano 42 XVII. View of Hano 44 XVIII. Plan of Sichumovi 46 XIX. View of Sichumovi 48 XX. Plan of Walpi 50 XXI. View of Walpi 52 XXII. South passageway of Walpi 54 XXIII. Houses built over irregular sites, Walpi 56 XXIV. Dance rock and kiva, Walpi 58 XXV. Foot trail to Walpi 60 XXVI. Mashongnavi, plan 62 XXVII. Mashongnavi with Shupaulovi in distance 64 XXVIII. Back wall of a Mashongnavi house-row 66 XXIX. West side of a principal row in Mashongnavi 68 XXX. Plan of Shupaulovi 70 XXXI. View of Shupaulovi 72 XXXII. A covered passageway of Shupaulovi 74 XXXIII. The chief kiva of Shupaulovi 76 XXXIV. Plan of Shumopavi 78 XXXV. View of Shumopavi 80 XXXVI. Oraibi, plan In pocket. XXXVII. Key to the Oraibi plan, also showing localization of gentes 82 XXXVIII. A court of Oraibi 84 XXXIX. Masonry terraces of Oraibi 86 XL. Oraibi house row, showing court side 88 XLI. Back of Oraibi house row 90 XLII. The site of Moen-kopi 92 XLIII. Plan of Moen-kopi 94 XLIV. Moen-kopi 96 XLV. The Mormon mill at Moen-kopi 98 XLVI. Hawikuh, plan 100 XLVII. Hawikuh, view 102 XLVIII. Adobe church at Hawikuh 104 XLIX. Ketchipanan, plan 106 L. Ketchipauan 108 LI. Stone church at Ketchipauan 110 LII. K'iakima, plan 112 LIII. Site of K'iakima, at base of Taaaiyalana 114 LIV. Recent wall at K'iakima 116 LV. Matsaki, plan 118 LVI. Standing wall at Pinawa 120 LVII. Halona excavations as seen from Zuni 122 LVIII. Fragments of Halona wall 124 LIX. The mesa of Taaaiyalana, from Zuni 126 LX. Taaaiyalana, plan 128 LXI. Standing walls of Taaaiyalana ruins 130 LXII. Remains of a reservoir on Taaaiyalana 132 LXIII. Kin-tiel, plan (also showing excavations) 134 LXIV. North wall of Kin-tiel 136 LXV. Standing walls of Kin-tiel 138 LXVI. Kinna-Zinde 140 LXVII. Nutria, plan 142 LXVIII. Nutria, view 144 LXIX. Pescado, plan 146 LXX. Court view of Pescado, showing corrals 148 LXXI. Pescado houses 150 LXXII. Fragments of ancient masonry in Pescado 152 LXXIII. Ojo Caliente, plan In pocket. LXXIV. General view of Ojo Caliente 154 LXXV. House at Ojo Caliente 156 LXXVI. Zuni, plan In pocket. LXXVII. Outline plan of Zuni, showing distribution of oblique openings 158 LXXVIII. General inside view of Zuni, looking west 160 LXXIX. Zuni terraces 162 LXXX. Old adobe church of Zuni 164 LXXXI. Eastern rows of Zuni 166 LXXXII. A Zuni court 168 LXXXIII. A Zuni small house 170 LXXXIV. A house-building at Oraibi 172 LXXXV. A Tusayan interior 174 LXXXVI. A Zuni interior 176 LXXXVII. A kiva hatchway of Tusayan 178 LXXXVIII. North kivas of Shumopavi, from the northeast 180 LXXXIX. Masonry in the north wing of Kin-tiel 182 XC. Adobe garden walls near Zuni. 184 XCI. A group of stone corrals near Oraibi 186 XCII. An inclosing wall of upright stones at Ojo Caliente 188 XCIII. Upright blocks of sandstone built into an ancient pueblo wall 190 XCIV. Ancient wall of upright rocks in southwestern Colorado 192 XCV. Ancient floor-beams at Kin-tiel 194 XCVI. Adobe walls in Zuni 196 XCVII. Wall coping and oven at Zuni 198 XCVIII. Cross-pieces on Zuni ladders 200 XCIX. Outside steps at Pescado 202 C. An excavated room at Kin-tiel 204 CI. Masonry chimneys of Zuni 206 CII. Remains of a gateway in Awatubi 208 CIII. Ancient gateway, Kin-tiel 210 CIV. A covered passageway in Mashongnavi 212 CV. Small square openings in Pueblo Bonito 214 CVI. Sealed openings in a detached house of Nutria 216 CVII. Partial filling-in of a large opening in Oraibi, converting it into a doorway 218 CVIII. Large openings reduced to small windows, Oraibi 220 CIX. Stone corrals and kiva of Mashongnavi 222 CX. Portion of a corral in Pescado 224 CXI. Zuni eagle-cage 226 CXII. A, Rainbow over eastern sweat house; B, Rainbow over western sweat house 240 CXIII. Blanket rug and medicine tubes 242 CXIV. Blanket rug and medicine tubes 244 CXV. Masks: 1, Naiyenesyong; 2, 3, Tobaidischinne; 4, 5, Hasjelti; 6, Hostjoghon; 7, Hostjobokon; 8, Hostjoboard 246 CXVI. Blanket rug and medicine tubes 248 CXVII. 1, Pine boughs on sand bed; 2, Apache basket containing yucca suds lined with corn pollen; 3, Basket of water surface covered with pine needles 250 CXVIII. Blanket rug and medicine tubes and sticks 252 CXIX. Blanket rug and medicine tube 258 CXX. First sand painting 260 CXXI. Second sand painting 262 CXXII. Third sand painting 264 CXXIII. Fourth sand painting 266

Page. Fig. 1. View of the First Mesa 43 2. Ruins, Old Walpi mound 47 3. Ruin between Bat House and Horn House 51 4. Ruin near Moen-kopi, plan 53 5. Ruin 7 miles north of Oraibi 55 6. Ruin 14 miles north of Oraibi (Kwaituki) 56 7. Oval fire-house ruin, plan. (Tebugkihu) 58 8. Topography of the site of Walpi 64 9. Mashongnavi and Shupaulovi from Shumopavi 66 10. Diagram showing growth of Mashongnavi 67 11. Diagram showing growth of Mashongnavi 68 12. Diagram showing growth of Mashongnavi 69 13. Topography of the site of Shupaulovi 71 14. Court kiva of Shumopavi 75 15. Hampassawan, plan 84 16. Pinawa, plan 87 17. Nutria, plan; small diagram, old wall 94 18. Pescado, plan, old wall diagram 95 19. A Tusayan wood-rack 103 20. Interior ground plan of a Tusayan room 108 21. North kivas of Shumopavi from the southwest 114 22. Ground plan of the chief-kiva of Shupaulovi 122 23. Ceiling-plan of the chief-kiva of Shupaulovi 123 24. Interior view of a Tusayan kiva 124 25. Ground-plan of a Shupaulovi kiva 125 26. Ceiling-plan of a Shupaulovi kiva 125 27. Ground-plan of the chief-kiva of Mashongnavi 126 28. Interior view of a kiva hatchway in Tusayan 127 29. Mat used in closing the entrance of Tusayan kivas 128 30. Rectangular sipapuh in a Mashongnavi kiva 131 31. Loom-post in kiva floor at Tusayan 132 32. A Zuni chimney showing pottery fragments embedded in its adobe base 139 33. A Zuni oven with pottery scales embedded in its surface 139 34. Stone wedges of Zuni masonry exposed in a rain-washed wall 141 35. An unplastered house wall in Ojo Caliente 142 36. Wall decorations in Mashongnavi, executed in pink on a white ground 146 37. Diagram of Zuni roof construction 149 38. Showing abutment of smaller roof-beams over round girders 151 39. Single stone roof-drains 153 40. Trough roof-drains of stone 153 41. Wooden roof-drains 154 42. Curved roof-drains of stone in Tusayan 154 43. Tusayan roof-drains; a discarded metate and a gourd 155 44. Zuni roof-drain, with splash-stones on roof below 156 45. A modern notched ladder in Oraibi 157 46. Tusayan notched ladders from Mashongnavi 157 47. Aboriginal American forms of ladder 158 48. Stone steps at Oraibi with platform at corner 161 49. Stone steps, with platform at chimney, in Oraibi 161 50. Stone steps in Shumopavi 162 51. A series of cooking pits in Mashongnavi 163 52. Pi-gummi ovens of Mashongnavi 163 53. Cross sections of pi-gummi ovens of Mashongnavi 163 54. Diagrams showing foundation stones of a Zuni oven 164 55. Dome-shaped oven on a plinth of masonry 165 56. Oven in Pescado exposing stones of masonry 166 57. Oven in Pescado exposing stones of masonry 166 58. Shrines in Mashongnavi 167 59. A poultry house in Sichumovi resembling an oven 167 60. Ground-plan of an excavated room in Kin-tiel 168 61. A corner chimney-hood with two supporting poles, Tusayan 170 62. A curved chimney-hood of Mashongnavi 170 63. A Mashongnavi chimney-hood and walled-up fireplace 171 64. A chimney-hood of Shupaulovi 172 65. A semi-detached square chimney-hood of Zuni 172 66. Unplastered Zuni chimney-hoods, illustrating construction 173 67. A fireplace and mantel in Sichumovi 174 68. A second-story fireplace in Mashongnavi 174 69. Piki stone and chimney-hood in Sichumovi 175 70. Piki stone and primitive andiron in Shumopavi 176 71. A terrace fireplace and chimney of Shumopavi 177 72. A terrace cooking-pit and chimney of Walpi 177 73. A ground cooking-pit of Shumopavi covered with a chimney 178 74. Tusayan chimneys 179 75. A barred Zuni door 183 76. Wooden pivot hinges of a Zuni door 184 77. Paneled wooden doors in Hano 185 78. Framing of a Zuni door panel 186 79. Rude transoms over Tusayan openings 188 80. A large Tusayan doorway, with small transom openings 189 81. A doorway and double transom in Walpi 189 82. An ancient doorway in a Canyon de Chelly cliff ruin 190 83. A symmetrical notched doorway in Mashongnavi 190 84. A Tusayan notched doorway 191 85. A large Tusayan doorway with one notched jamb 192 86. An ancient circular doorway, or "stone-close," in Kin-tiel 193 87. Diagram illustrating symmetrical arrangement of small openings in Pueblo Bonito 195 88. Incised decoration on a rude window-sash in Zuni 196 89. Sloping selenite window at base of Zuni wall on upper terrace 197 90. A Zuni window glazed with selenite 197 91. Small openings in the back wall of a Zuni house cluster 198 92. Sealed openings in Tusayan 199 93. A Zuni doorway converted into a window 201 94. Zuni roof-openings 202 95. A Zuni roof-opening with raised coping 203 96. Zuni roof-openings with one raised end 203 97. A Zuni roof-hole with cover 204 98. Kiva trap-door in Zuni 205 99. Halved and pinned trap-door frame of a Zuni kiva 206 100. Typical sections of Zuni oblique openings 208 101. Arrangement of mealing stones in a Tusayan house 209 102. A Tusayan grain bin 210 103. A Zuni plume-box 210 104. A Zuni plume-box 210 105. A Tusayan mealing trough 211 106. An ancient pueblo form of metate 211 107. Zuni stools 213 108. A Zuni chair 213 109. Construction of a Zuni corral 215 110. Gardens of Zuni 216 111. "Kishoni," or uncovered shade, of Tusayan 218 112. A Tusayan field shelter, from southwest 219 113. A Tusayan field shelter, from northeast 219 114. Diagram showing ideal section of terraces, with Tusayan names 223 115. Exterior lodge 236 116. Interior lodge 237 117. Gaming ring 238 118. Sweat house 240

* * * * *

REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR.

* * * * *

LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL.

Smithsonian Institution, Bureau of Ethnology, Washington, D.C., October 1, 1887.

SIR: I have the honor to submit my Eighth Annual Report as Director of the Bureau of Ethnology.

The first part presents an explanation of the plan and operations of the Bureau; the second consists of a series of papers on anthropologic subjects, prepared by my assistants to illustrate the methods and results of the work of the Bureau.

I desire to express my thanks for your earnest support and your wise counsel relating to the work under my charge.

I am, with respect, your obedient servant,

[Signature:] J. W. Powell

Prof. S. P. LANGLEY, Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution.

* * * * *

EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT

of the

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY.

By J. W. POWELL, Director.

* * * * *

INTRODUCTION.

The prosecution of research among the North American Indians, as directed by act of Congress, was continued during the fiscal year 1886-'87.

The general plan upon which the work has been prosecuted has been explained in former reports and has not been changed. After certain lines of investigation had been decided upon, they were confided to persons trained in their pursuit, with the intention that the results of their labors, when completed or well advanced, should be presented from time to time in the publications of the Bureau provided for by law. A brief statement of the work upon which each one of the special students was actively engaged during the fiscal year is furnished below, but this statement does not embrace all the studies undertaken or services rendered by them, since particular lines of research have been suspended in this, as in former years, in order to prosecute unto substantial completeness work regarded as of paramount importance. From this cause delays have been occasioned in the completion of several treatises and monographs, already partly in type, which otherwise would have been published.

Invitation is renewed for the assistance of explorers, writers, and students who are not and may not desire to be officially connected with the Bureau. Their contributions, whether in the shape of suggestions or of extended communications, will be gratefully acknowledged, and will always receive proper credit if published either in the series of reports or in monographs or bulletins, as the liberality of Congress may in future allow.

The items now reported upon are presented in three principal divisions. The first relates to the publication made; the second, to the work prosecuted in the field; and the third, to the office work, which largely consists of the preparation for publication of the results of field work, with the corrections and additions obtained from the literature relating to the subjects discussed and by correspondence.



PUBLICATION.

The only publication actually issued during the year was the Fourth Animal Report of the Bureau of Ethnology to the Smithsonian Institution, 1882-'83. It is an imperial octavo volume of lxiii + 532 pages, illustrated by 83 plates, of which 11 are colored, and 564 figures in the text. The official report of the Director, occupying 39 pages (pp. xxv-lxiii), is accompanied by the following papers:

Pictographs of the North American Indians, a preliminary paper, by Garrick Mallery; pp. 3-256, Pls. I-LXXXIII, Figs. 1-209.

Pottery of the Ancient Pueblos, by William H. Holmes; pp. 257-360, Figs. 210-360.

Ancient Pottery of the Mississippi Valley, by William H. Holmes; pp. 361-436, Figs. 361-463.

Origin and Development of Form and Ornament in Ceramic Art, by William H. Holmes; pp. 437-465, Figs. 464-489.

A Study of Pueblo Pottery, as illustrative of Zuni culture growth, by Frank Hamilton Cushing; pp. 467-521, Figs. 490-564.



FIELD WORK.

The field work of the year is divided into (1) mound explorations and (2) general field studies, embracing those relating to social customs, institutions, linguistics, pictography, and other divisions of anthropology.

MOUND EXPLORATIONS.

WORK OF PROF. CYRUS THOMAS.

The work of exploring the mounds of the eastern United States was, as in previous years, under the charge of Prof. Cyrus Thomas.

Although Prof. Thomas and his assistants have devoted a large portion of the year to the study of the collections made in the division of mound exploration and to the preparation of a report of its operations for the last five years, yet some field work of importance has been done.

Prof. Thomas in person examined the more important ancient works of New York and Ohio. He gave special attention to the latter, with a view of determining where new and more accurate descriptions, surveys, and illustrations were necessary. It was found requisite to undertake a careful resurvey and description of a number of the well known works in Ohio. This reexamination was the more necessary in view of the light shed on the origin and use of these monuments by the explorations which had been carried on in West Virginia, western North Carolina, and eastern Tennessee.

Mr. J. P. Rogan continued his work as assistant until the close of November, when he voluntarily resigned his position to enter upon other engagements. A portion of his time during the first month was occupied in arranging and preparing for shipment the collection purchased of Mrs. McGlashan, in Savannah, Georgia. The rest of his time was employed in exploring mounds along the upper Savannah River in Georgia and South Carolina and along the lower Yazoo River in Mississippi.

Mr. J. W. Emmert continued to act as field assistant until the end of February, when the field work closed. His labors, with the exception of a short visit to central New York, were confined to eastern Tennessee, chiefly Blount, Monroe, and Loudon counties, where numerous extensive and very interesting groups are found in the section formerly occupied by the Cherokees. Prof. Thomas thought it necessary to devote considerable attention to the ancient works of that region, as it is probable that there and in western North Carolina is to be found the key that will materially assist in solving the problem of the peculiar works of Ohio. The results of these explorations are of unusual interest, independent of their supposed bearing on the Ohio mounds.

Mr. James D. Middleton, who has been a constant assistant in the division since its organization, after completing some investigations begun in southern Illinois, visited western Kentucky for the purpose of investigating the works of that section, but was soon afterwards called to Washington to take part in the office work. During the month of June he visited and made a thorough survey of the extensive group of works near Charleston, West Virginia, of which Colonel Norris had made a partial exploration, the latter having been prevented from completing it by the sickness which immediately preceded his death. During the same month Mr. Middleton commenced the survey of the Ohio works before alluded to, obtaining some valuable results in the short time before the close of the year.

Mr. Gerard Fowke was also engaged for a short time in field work in western Pennsylvania, Ohio, and Kentucky, but was called early in autumn to Washington to assist in office work.

GENERAL FIELD STUDIES.

WORK OF MR. A. S. GATSCHET.

During October and December Mr. Albert S. Gatschet was engaged in gathering historic and linguistic data in Louisiana, Texas, and the portion of Mexico adjoining the Rio Grande, which region contains the remnants of a number of tribes whose language and linguistic affinity are practically unknown. After a long search Mr. Gatschet found a small settlement of Biloxi Indians at Indian Creek, five or six miles west of Lecompte, Rapides Parish, Louisiana, where they gain a livelihood as day laborers. Most of them speak English more than their native tongue; in fact, about two-thirds of the thirty-two survivors speak English only. The vocabulary obtained by him discloses the interesting fact that the Biloxi belong to the Siouan linguistic family.

He heard of about twenty-five of the Tunika tribe still living in their old homes on the Marksville Prairie, Avoyelles Parish, Louisiana. An excellent vocabulary was obtained of their language at Lecompte, Louisiana, and a careful comparison of this with other Indian languages shows that the Tunika is related to none, but represents a distinct linguistic family. He was unable to collect any information in regard to the Karankawa tribe, concerning which little is known except that they lived upon the Texan coast near Lavaca Bay.

Leaving Laredo County, Texas, he visited Camargo, in Tamaulipas, Mexico, finding near San Miguel the remnants of the Comecrudo tribe, or, as they are called by the whites, Carrizos. Only the older men and women still remember their language. The full-blood Comecrudos seen were tall and thin, some of them with fairer complexions than the Mexicans. Subsequently the Cotoname language, formerly spoken in the same district, was studied and found to be a distinctly related dialect of Comecrudo. Both of them belong to the Coahuiltecan family. From the Comecrudo Mr. Gatschet obtained the names of a number of extinct tribes which formerly lived in their vicinity, but of which no representatives are left. These are the Casas Chiquitas, Tejones (or "Raccoons"), Pintos or Pakawas, Miakkan, and Cartujanos. He next visited the Tlaskaltec Indians, who live in the city of Saltillo. Of these Indians about two hundred still speak their own language, which is almost identical with the Aztec, although largely mixed with Spanish.

WORK OF MR. JEREMIAH CURTIN.

Mr. Jeremiah Curtin was engaged from the middle of March to June 1 in completing investigations begun the previous year into the history, myths, and language of the Iroquois Indians at Versailles, Cattaraugus County, New York. The material obtained by him is of great interest and value.

WORK OF DR. W. J. HOFFMAN.

Dr. W. J. Hoffman proceeded early in August to Paint Rock, North Carolina, to secure sketches of pictographs upon the canyon walls of the French Broad River near that place. Owing to disintegration of the sandstone rocks, the painted outlines of animals and other figures are becoming slowly obliterated, though sufficient remained to show their similarity to others in various portions of the region which it is believed was occupied by the Cherokee Indians. Similar outlines were reported to have been formerly visible on the same river, as well as on the Tennessee, near Knoxville, Tennessee, though no traces of them were found.

The next place visited was a few miles distant from and northwest of Liberty, Tazewell County, Virginia, where some painted characters still remain in a good state of preservation. They are on the sandstone cliffs near the summit of the mountains and consist of human figures, birds, and other forms, appearing to resemble artistically those of North Carolina. Five miles eastward, on the same range, is a single diamond-shaped cluster of red and black marks, no other forms being visible. This rock is known in the surrounding country as the "Handkerchief Rock," because of its resemblance to an outspread colored handkerchief. He then proceeded to Charleston, West Virginia, obtaining copies of petroglyphs on Big Horse Creek, 12 miles southwest of that place, and at several points along the Kanawha River. It was learned that 20 miles south of Charleston, on the reputed trail leading from the Kanawha Valley into Kentucky, "painted trees" formerly marked the direction of the trails leading into the Cherokee country, and into Kentucky. These trees bore various marks in red, but no accurate information pertaining to the precise form of the characters could be ascertained. At the other points mentioned characters were noticed resembling in general those found in other portions of the Eastern and Middle States known to have been occupied by tribes of the Algonquian linguistic family.

The "Indian God-Rock," 115 miles north of Pittsburg, Pennsylvania, on the Alleghany River, was next examined and sketches were made of the figures. This rock is an immense bowlder, the sculptured face of which is about 15 feet high and from 8 to 10 feet broad, and lies at the water's edge. The figures upon the lower surface are being gradually obliterated by erosion from floating logs and driftwood during seasons of high water, while those upon the upper portions are being ruined by the visitors who cut names and dates over and upon the sculptured surfaces. Another place visited was on the Susquehanna River, 3 miles below Columbia, Pennsylvania. Here a small stream empties into the river from the east, along whose course several rocks were found bearing deeply cut and polished grooves, indicating a nearly east and west direction. These rocks are believed to be on the line of one of the Indian trails leading to the Delaware River, similar to that at Conowingo, Maryland, which was the last locality inspected, and which is known as "Bald Friar." A large mass of rock projecting from the bed of the river is almost covered with numerous circles, cup-shaped depressions, human forms, and ellipses, strongly resembling characters from other points in the regions formerly occupied by the Algonquian family. Measurements and sketches of these petroglyphs were made, with a view to future reproduction upon models.



OFFICE WORK.

The Director, Maj. J. W. POWELL, has continued the work of the linguistic classification of the Indian tribes in North America north of Mexico, and in connection with it is preparing a map upon a linguistic basis showing the original habitat of the tribes. The work is now far advanced.

Prof. CYRUS THOMAS, as previously stated, has devoted much of his time during the year to the study of the collections made, and in preparing for publication the account of field work performed by himself and assistants. That account will form the first volume of his final report, and will consist almost wholly of descriptions, plans, and figures of the ancient works examined, narrative and speculation being entirely excluded. It will also include a paper by Mr. Gerard Fowke on the stone articles of the collection. The second volume will be devoted to the geographic distribution of the various types of mounds, archeologic maps and charts, and a general discussion of the various forms and types of ancient works. The preliminary lists of the various monuments known, and of the localities where they are found, together with references to the works and periodicals in which they are mentioned, which Mrs. V. L. Thomas, in addition to her other duties, has been engaged upon for nearly three years, is now completed, and is being used in the preparation of maps. It will be issued as a bulletin.

Mr. GERARD FOWKE, in addition to assisting in the preparation of the final report on the field work of the mound exploration division, has made a study of the stone articles of the collection made by it.

Mr. H. L. REYNOLDS has made a study of the copper articles collected, and has prepared a paper which is nearly completed.

Mr. J. D. MIDDLETON'S office work has consisted entirely in the preparation of maps, charts, and diagrams. These are of two classes— (1) those made entirely from original surveys, which constitute the larger portion, and (2) the archeological maps of States and districts, showing the distribution of given types, which are made from all the data obtainable, including additions and verifications made by the mound exploration division of the Bureau.

Mr. J. C. PILLING continued his bibliographic studies during the year, with the intention of completing for the press his bibliography of North American languages. After consultation with the Director and a number of gentlemen well informed on the subject, it was concluded that the wants of students in this branch of ethnology would be better subserved if the material were issued in separate bibliographies, each devoted to one of the great linguistic stocks of North America. The first one selected for issue related to the Eskimo, which was prepared during the year, and when put in type formed a pamphlet of 116 pages. The experiment proved successful, and Mr. Pilling continued the preparation of the separates. Late in the fiscal year the manuscript of his bibliography of the Siouan family was sent to the Public Printer. It is the intention to continue this work by preparing a bibliography of each of the linguistic groups as fast as opportunity will permit.

Mr. FRANK H. CUSHING continued work upon his Zuni material, so far as his health permitted, until the middle of December. At that time he gave up office work and left for Arizona and New Mexico, intending to devote himself for a time to the examination of the ruins of that region with the view of obtaining material of collateral interest in connection with his Zuni studies as well as in hope of restoring his impaired health.

Mr. CHARLES C. ROYCE, although no longer officially connected with the Bureau, devoted much time during the year to the completion of his work upon the former title of Indian tribes to lands within the United States and the methods by which their relinquishment had been procured. This work, delayed by Mr. Royce's resignation from the Bureau force, is reported by him as nearly completed.

Mr. WILLIAM H. HOLMES has continued the archeologic work begun in preceding years, utilizing such portions of his time as were not absorbed in work pertaining to the U.S. Geological Survey. A paper upon the antiquities of Chiriqui and one upon textile art in its relation to form and ornament, prepared for the Sixth Annual Report, were completed and proofs were read. During the year work was begun upon a review of the ceramic art of Mexico. A special paper, with twenty illustrations, upon a remarkable group of spurious antiquities belonging to that country, was prepared and turned over to the Smithsonian Institution for publication. In addition, a preliminary study of the prehistoric textile fabrics of Peru was begun, and a short paper with numerous illustrations was written. As in former years, Mr. Holmes has superintended the preparation of drawings and engravings for the Bureau publications. The number of illustrations prepared during the year amounted to 650.

He has also general charge of the miscellaneous archeologic and ethnologic collections of the Bureau, and reports that Prof. Cyrus Thomas, Mr. James Stevenson, and other officers and agents of the Bureau have obtained collections of articles from the mounds of the Mississippi Valley and from the ruins of the Pueblo country. A number of interesting articles have also been acquired by gift. Capt. J. G. Bourke, U.S. Army, presented a series of vases and other ceremonial objects obtained from cliff dwellings and caves in the Pueblo country; Mr. J. B. Stearns, of Short Hills, N.J., made a few additions to his already valuable donations of relics from the ancient graves of Chiriqui, Colombia, and Mr. J. N. Macomb presented a number of fragments of earthenware from Graham County, North Carolina. Some important accessions have been made by purchase. A large collection of pottery, textile fabrics, and other articles from the graves of Peru was obtained from Mr. William E. Curtis; a series of ancient and modern vessels of clay and numerous articles of other classes from Chihuahua, Mexico, were acquired through the agency of Dr. E. Palmer; a small set of handsome vases of the ancient white ware of New Mexico was acquired by purchase from Mr. C. M. Landon, of Lawrence, Kansas, and several handsome vases from various parts of Mexico were obtained from Dr. Eugene Boban.

Mr. VICTOR MINDELEFF was engraved during the fiscal year in the preparation of a report on the architecture of the Tusayan and Cibola groups of pueblos, which appears in the present volume. This report contains a description of the topography and climate of the region, in illustration of the influence of environment upon the development of the pueblo type of architecture. It also contains a traditionary account of the Tusayan pueblos and of their separate clans or phratries. A description in detail of the Tusayan group treats of the relative position of the villages and such ruins as are connected traditionally or historically with them. A comparative study is also made between the Tusayan and Cibola groups and between them and certain well preserved ruins in regard to constructive details, by which means the comparatively advanced type of the modern pueblo architecture is clearly established. Maps of the groups discussed and of the topography of the country and ground plans of houses and apartments were prepared to illustrate the report and give effect to the descriptions and discussion.

Mr. COSMOS MINDELEFF devoted the early part of the fiscal year to the preparation of a report upon the exhibits of the Bureau of Ethnology and the Geological Survey at the Cincinnati Industrial Exposition, 1884; the Southern Exposition at Louisville, 1884; and the Industrial and Cotton Centennial Exposition at New Orleans, 1884-'85. The report includes a descriptive catalogue of the various exhibits. As these consisted largely of models, and as the locality or object represented by each model was described in detail, the report was lengthy. It was finished in October and transmitted to the Commissioner representing the Department of the Interior. During the remainder of the year the portion of time which Mr. Cosmos Mindeleff was able to devote to office work was employed in assisting Mr. Victor Mindeleff in the preparation of a preliminary report on the architecture of Zuni and Tusayan. The portion assigned to him consists of an introductory chapter devoted to the traditionary history of Tusayan, arranged from material collected by Mr. A. M. Stephen, of Keam's Canyon, Arizona.

The modeling room has remained in charge of Mr. Cosmos Mindeleff. The preparation of a duplicate series of the models made in the last few years and now deposited in the National Museum was continued, a large portion of the time being given to that work. During the year the following models were added to this series: (1) model of Shumopavi, Tusayan, Arizona; (2) model of Etowah mound, Georgia; (3) models of Mashongnavi; (4) model of Zuni; (5) model of Penasco Blanco; (6) models of Etruscan graves, being a series to illustrate ancient Etruscan graves, from material furnished by Mr. Thomas Wilson.

Mr. E. W. NELSON, during 1886, and continuously to the end of the fiscal year, has devoted much time to preparing a report upon the Eskimo of northern Alaska, for which his note books and large collections obtained in that region furnish ample material. During 1886 the vocabularies, taken from twelve Eskimo dialects for use in Arctic Alaska, were arranged in the form of an English-Eskimo and Eskimo-English dictionary. These dictionaries, with notes upon the alphabet and grammar, will form one part of his report. The other part will consist of chapters upon various phases of Eskimo life and customs in Alaska, and will be illustrated by photographs taken by him on the spot and by specimens collected during his extended journeys in that region. His notes upon Eskimo legends, festivals, and other customs will form an important contribution.

Mr. LUCIEN M. TURNER is also engaged in the preparation of a similar report upon the Eskimo, in the form of a descriptive catalogue of the large amount of material collected by him during a residence of several years at St. Michaels and in the Aleutian Islands. When these two reports shall be completed the amount of accurate information concerning the remarkable people to whom they relate will be materially increased.

Mr. HENRY W. HENSHAW has continued in charge of the work upon the synonymy of the Indian tribes of the United States, which was alluded to in some detail in the annual report of last year. This work has been temporarily suspended, and Mr. Henshaw has assisted the Director in the preparation of a linguistic map of the region north of Mexico and in the classification of the Indian tribes, a work which properly precedes and forms the basis of the volume on synonymy.

Col. GARRICK MALLERY was steadily occupied during the year in the work of the synonymy of the Indian tribes, his special field being the Iroquoian and Algonquian linguistic stocks, and his particular responsibility being the careful study of all the literature on the subject in the French language. He also, when time allowed, continued researches in and correspondence concerning sign language and pictographs.

Mr. JAMES MOONEY has been occupied during the entire year, in conjunction with Col. Mallery, in that portion of the work of the Indian synonymy relating to the Algonquian and Iroquoian families.

Mr. JOHN N. B. HEWITT has continued the linguistic work left unfinished by Mrs. Erminnie A. Smith. During the year he has been engaged in recording, translating, and tracing the derivation of Tuscarora words for a Tuscarora-English dictionary. He has thus far recorded about 8,000 words.

Mr. ALBERT S. GATSCHET has devoted almost the entire year to the synonymy of Indian tribes, and has practically completed the section assigned to him, viz, the tribes of the southeastern United States.

Mr. J. OWEN DORSEY continued his labors on the Indian synonymy cards of the Siouan, Caddoan, Athapascan, Kusan, Yakonan, and Takilman linguistic stocks. He resumed his preparation of the dictionary cards for contributions to North American Ethnology, Vol. VI, Part II, and in connection therewith found it necessary to elaborate his additional [c]egiha texts, consisting of more than two hundred and fifty epistles, besides ten or more myths gained since 1880. This work was Interrupted in March, 1887, when he was obliged to undertake the arrangement of a new collection of Teton texts for publication. Mr. George Bushotter, a Dakota Indian, who speaks the Teton dialect, was employed by the Director from March 23, for the purpose of recording for future use of the Bureau some of the Teton myths and legends in the original. One hundred of these texts were thus written, and it devolved on Mr. Dorsey to prepare the interlinear translations of the texts, critical and explanatory notes, and other necessary linguistic material, as dictated by Mr. Bushotter. Besides writing the texts in the Teton dialects, Mr. Bushotter has been able to furnish numerous sketches as illustrations, all of which have been drawn and colored according to Indian ideas. His collection of sketches is the most extensive that has been gained from among the tribes of the Siouan family, and it is the first one contributed by an Indian.

Dr. WALTER J. HOFFMAN and Mr. JEREMIAH CURTIN, when not in the field as above mentioned, have continued to assist in the work of the synonymy of the Indian tribes.



ACCOMPANYING PAPERS.

The papers contained in the present volume relate to the Pueblo and Navajo Indians, who occupy a large territory in the interior southwestern parts of the United States. The prehistoric archeology of the Pueblos in the special department of architecture is the most prominent single subject presented and discussed, but the papers also include studies of the history, mythology, and sociology of that people, as well as of their neighbors and hereditary enemies the Navajo. All of these correlated studies are set forth with detail and illustration.

A STUDY OF PUEBLO ARCHITECTURE, TUSAYAN AND CIBOLA, BY VICTOR MINDELEFF.

This study relates to the ruins and inhabited towns found in that immense southwestern region composed of the arid plateaus which is approximately bounded on the east by the Rio Pecos and the west by the Colorado River, on the north by Central Utah, and which extends southward to yet undetermined limits in Mexico. The present paper is more directly confined to the ancient provinces of Tusayan and Cibola which are situated within the drainage of the Little Colorado River, and the intention is to follow and supplement it by studies of other typical groups in the region, but the necessary comparisons and generalizations now presented apply to all the varied features which are observed in the remains of Pueblo architecture now scattered over thousands of square miles. The work of surveying and platting in this vast field, together with the consequent coordination of studies and preparation of illustrations, has occupied the author and Mr. Cosmos Mindeleff a large amount of time since the year 1881, though it did not include all of their duties performed during that period.

The title of the paper, which only indicates architecture, fails to do justice to the broad and suggestive treatment of the subject. It would be expected, indeed required, that the surveys should be accurate in details and that the physical features of the region should be exhaustively described, but while all this is well done, much more matter of a different though related class, and of great value to ethnology, is furnished. The history, prehistoric and recent, the religion, the sociology and the arts of the people, with their home life and folklore, are studied and discussed in a manner which would be creditable in essays devoted to those special subjects, but are so employed as to be thoroughly appropriate to the elucidation of the general theme.

The chapter on the traditional history of Tusayan, which is the individual compilation of Mr. Cosmos Mindeleff, is an important and interesting contribution relative to the history, migrations, and mythology of the people. The traditions are, however, used with proper caution, the fact being recognized that they seldom contain distinct information, but are often of high value from their incidental allusions and in their preservation of the conditions of the past which influenced the lines and limitations of their growth.

The classification and account of the Pueblo phratries and gentes form an important contribution to anthropology, and the discussion upon the origin and use of the kivas is more explanatory and exhaustive than any before made on that subject. This word of the Tusayan language is adopted to take the place of the Spanish term "estufa," which literally means a stove, and is misleading, because it strictly applies only to the sweat houses which lodge-building Indians use. The kiva is the ceremonial chamber of the ancient and modern Pueblo peoples. They are found wherever the remains of Pueblo architecture occur, and are distinguished from the typical dwelling rooms by their size and position and generally by their form. The author dwells instructively upon the antiquity, excavation, access, exterior masonry, orientation, and general construction, furniture, and ornaments of these remarkable chambers, and upon the rites connected with them. He also gives an original and acute suggestion to account for the persistence of the structural plan of the kivas by its religious or mythologic signification.

The designation of the curious orifice of the sipapuh as "the place from which the people emerged," in connection with the peculiar arrangement of the kiva interior with its change of floor level, suggested to Mr. Mindeleff that these features might be regarded as typifying the four worlds of the genesis myth that has exercised such an influence on Tusayan customs. He was also led to infer that it typifies the "four houses" or stages described in their creation myths. The sipapuh, with its cavity beneath the floor, is certainly regarded as indicating the place of beginning, the lowest house under the earth, the abode of Myuingwa, the Creator; the main or lower floor represents the second stage; and the elevated section of the floor is made to denote the third stage, where animals were created. At the New Year festivals animal fetiches were set in groups upon this platform. It is also to be noted that the ladder to the surface is invariably made of pine, and always rests upon the platform, never upon the lower floor, and in their traditional genesis it is stated that the people climbed up from the third house (stage) by a ladder of pine, and through such an opening as the kiva hatchway. The outer air is the fourth world, or that now occupied.

Another apt observation is connected with the evolution of ornament, and was prompted to the author by the common use of small chinking stones for bringing the masonry to an even face after the larger stones forming the body of the wall had been laid in place. This method of construction in the case of some of the best built ancient pueblos resulted in the production of marvelously finished stone walls, in which the mosaic-like bits are so closely laid as to show none but the finest joints on the face of the wall, with but little trace of mortar. The chinking wedges necessarily varied greatly in dimensions to suit the sizes of the interstices between the larger stones of the wall. The use of stone in this manner probably suggested the banded walls that form a striking feature in some of the Chaco houses. In connection with these walls the seams of stone of two degrees of thickness, which are observable in the cliffs, naturally suggested to the builders their imitation by the use of stones of similar thickness in continuous bands. The ornamental effect of this device was originally an accidental result of adopting the most convenient method of using the material at hand.

The author exhibits the result of thoughtful study in his expressed views upon the mooted questions of racial origins and diffusions. He noted that some of the ruins connected traditionally and historically with Tusayan and Cibola differ in no particular from those stone pueblos widely scattered over the southwestern plateaus which from time to time have been invested by travelers and writers with a halo of romance and regarded as the wondrous achievements in civilization of a vanished but once powerful race. These abandoned stone houses found in the midst of desert solitudes excited the imaginations of early explorers to connect the remains with "Aztecs" and other mysterious peoples. From this early implanted bias arose many ingenious theories concerning the origin and disappearance of the builders of the ancient pueblos.

In connection with the architectural examination of some of these remains many traditions were obtained from the living members of the tribes, several of which are published in the present paper, and which clearly indicate that some of the village ruins and cliff dwellings have been built and occupied by ancestors of the present Pueblo Indians at a date well within the historic period. Both architectural and traditional evidence are in accord in establishing a continuity of descent from the ancient Pueblos to those of the present day. Many of the communities are now made up of the more or less scattered but interrelated remnants of gentes which in former times occupied villages on the present or neighboring sites.

Mr. Mindeleff's conclusions may be condensed as follows:

The general outlines of the development of architecture, wherein the ancient builders were stimulated to the best use of the exceptional materials about them both by the difficult conditions of their semidesert environment and by constant necessity for protection against their neighbors, can be traced in its various stages of growth from the primitive conical lodge to its culmination in the large communal village of many-storied terraced buildings which were in use at the time of the Spanish discovery, and which still survive in Zuni. Yet the various steps have resulted from a simple and direct use of the material immediately at hand, while methods gradually improved as frequent experiments taught the builders to utilize more fully the local facilities. In all cases the material was derived from the nearest available source, and often variations in the quality of the finished work are due to variations in the quality of the stone near by. The results accomplished attest the patient and persistent industry of the ancient builders, but the work does not display great skill in the construction or the preparation of material.

The same desert environment that furnished an abundance of material for the ancient builders, from its inhospitable character and the constant variations in the water supply, also compelled the frequent use of this material in the change of house and village sites. This was an important factor in bringing about the degree of advancement attained in the art of building. The distinguishing characteristics of Pueblo architecture may therefore be regarded as the product of a defensive motive and of an arid environment that furnished an abundance of suitable building material, and at the same time the climatic conditions that compelled its frequent employment.

The cultural distinctions once drawn by writers between the Pueblo Indians and neighboring tribes gradually become less clearly defined as they have been intelligently studied. An understanding of their social and religious system establishes the essential identity in their grade of culture with that of other tribes. In many of the arts, too, such as weaving and ceramics, these people in no degree surpass many tribes who build ruder dwellings. Though they have progressed far beyond their neighbors in architecture, many of the devices employed attest the essentially primitive character of their art, and demonstrate that the apparent distinction in grade of culture is mainly due to the exceptional condition of their environment.

This important and timely paper furnishes new evidence taken from one of the strongholds of sentimental phantasy to show that there is no need for the hypothesis of an extinct race with dense population and high civilization to account for the conditions actually existing in North America before the European discovery.

CEREMONIAL OF HASJELTI DAILJIS AND MYTHICAL SAND PAINTING OF THE NAVAJO INDIANS, BY JAMES STEVENSON.

This paper, apart from its intrinsic merits, has a peculiar interest to American anthropologists from its being the last official work of Mr. Stevenson, whose untimely death on July 25, 1888, was noticed in a former report. It shows his personal characteristics, being a clear and accurate statement of the facts actually observed and of the information acquired by him at first hand, without diffuseness or unnecessary theorizing.

Hasjelti Dailjis, in the Navajo tongue, signifies the dance of Hasjelti, who is the chief or rather the most important and conspicuous of the gods. The word dance does not well designate the ceremonies, as they are in general more histrionic than saltatory. The whole of the ceremonial, which lasts for nine days, is familiarly called among the tribe "Yebitchai," which means "the giant's uncle," this term being used to awe the youthful candidates for initiation.

The ceremony witnessed by Mr. Stevenson was performed to cure a wealthy member of the tribe of an inflammation of the eyes. Twelve hundred Navajo Indians were present, chiefly as spectators, but that exhibition of their interest may partly be accounted for by the fact that they lived while on their visit at the expense of the invalid and occupied most of the time in gambling and horse racing. The very numerous active participants in the ceremonies, who might be called the mystery company, in reference to the early form of our drama, were not directly paid for their services, but acted because they were the immediate relatives of the invalid for whose benefit the performance was given. The tribesman who combined the offices of manager, theurgist, song priest, or master of ceremonies was paid exorbitantly for his professional services. The personation of the various gods and their attendants and the acted drama of their mythical adventures and displayed powers exhibit features of peculiar interest, while the details of the action day after day show all imaginable and generally incomprehensible changes and multiplication of costume and motions and postures and manipulations of feathers and meal and sticks and paint and water and sand and innumerable other stage properties in astounding complexity and seeming confusion. Yet, from what is known of isolated and fragmentary parts of the dramatized myths, it is to be inferred that every one of the strictly regulated and prescribed actions has or has had a special significance, and it is obvious that they are all maintained with strict religious scrupulosity, indeed with constant dread of fatal consequences which would result from the slightest divergence. In connection with this ritualistic form of punctilio, which is noticed in the religious practices of other peoples and lands, the established formal invocation of and prayer to the divinity may be mentioned. It clearly offers a bribe or proposes the terms of a bargain to the divinities, and has its parallel in the archaic prayers of many other languages. Translated from the Navajo, it is given as follows:

People of the mountains and roots [i.e., the gods, as shown by the context], I hear you wish to be paid. I give to you food of corn pollen and humming-bird feathers, and I send to you precious stones, and tobacco, which you must smoke; it has been lighted by the sun's rays, and for this I beg you to give me a good dance; be with me! Earth, I beg you to give me a good dance, and I offer to you food of humming-bird's plumes and precious stones, and tobacco to smoke lighted by the sun's rays, to pay for using you for the dance; make a good solid ground for me, that the gods who come to see the dance may be pleased at the ground their people dance upon; make my people healthy and strong of mind and body.

In addition to his exhaustive account of the Hasjelti Dailjis and of the curious dry-sand painting which the Navajo in common with the Pueblo tribes make a prominent feature of their mysteries, and of which illustrations are furnished, Mr. Stevenson presents translations of six of the Navajo myths, some of which elucidate parts of the ceremony forming the main title of his paper. These myths are set forth in a simple and straightforward style, which gives intrinsic evidence that they retain the spirit of the original. They are certainly free from the pretentious embellishment and literary conceit which have perverted nearly all the published forms of Indian myths and tales hitherto accessible to general readers, and have even misled the numerous special students who had no facilities for verification.



FINANCIAL STATEMENT.

Classification of expenditures made from the appropriation for North American ethnology for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1887.

Expenses. Amount Amount expended. appropriated.

Services $27,988.59 Traveling expenses 2,339.89 Transportation of property 164.90 Field subsistence 102.30 Field supplies 204.51 Field material 11.54 Instruments 1.75 Laboratory material 5.00 Photographic material 16.30 Books and maps 176.43 Stationery 133.12 Illustrations for report 411.00 Goods for distribution to Indians 100.00 Office furniture 3.25 Correspondence 11.62 Specimens 2,600.20 Bonded railroad accounts forward to Treasury for settlement 45.65 Balance on hand to meet outstanding liabilities 5,683.95 ————— ————— Total 40,000.00 $40,000.00



* * * * *

ACCOMPANYING PAPERS.

* * * * *

A STUDY

of

PUEBLO ARCHITECTURE:

Tusayan And Cibola.

by

Victor Mindeleff.

* * * * *

CONTENTS.

Introduction 13

CHAPTER I.—Traditionary history of Tusayan 16 Explanatory 16 Summary of traditions 16 List of traditionary gentes 38 Supplementary legend 40

CHAPTER II.—Ruins and inhabited villages of Tusayan 42 Physical features of the province 42 Methods of survey 44 Plans and description of ruins 45 Walpi ruins 46 Old Mashongnavi 47 Shitaimuvi 48 Awatubi 49 Horn House 50 Small ruin near Horn House 51 Bat House 52 Mishiptonga 52 Moen-kopi 53 Ruins on the Oraibi wash 54 Kwaituki 56 Tebugkihu, or Fire House 57 Chukubi 59 Payupki 59 Plans and descriptions of inhabited villages 61 Hano 61 Sichumovi 62 Walpi 63 Mashongnavi 66 Shupaulovi 71 Shumopavi 73 Oraibi 76 Moen-kopi 77

CHAPTER III.—Ruins and inhabited villages of Cibola 80 Physical features of the province 80 Plans and descriptions of ruins 80 Hawikuh 80 Ketchipauan 81 Chalowe 83 Hampassawan 84 K'iakima 85 Matsaki 86 Pinawa 86 Halona 88 Taaaiyalana ruins 89 Kin-tiel and Kinna-Zinde 91 Plans and descriptions of inhabited villages 94 Nutria 94 Pescado 95 Ojo Caliente 96 Zuni 97

CHAPTER IV.—Architecture of Tusayan and Cibola compared by constructional details 100 Introduction 100 House building 100 Rites and methods 100 Localization of gentes 104 Interior arrangement 108 Kivas in Tusayan 111 General use of kivas by pueblo builders 111 Origin of the name 111 Antiquity of the kiva 111 Excavation of the kiva 112 Access 113 Masonry 114 Orientation 115 The ancient form of kiva 116 Native explanations of position 117 Methods of kiva building and rites 118 Typical plans 118 Work by women 129 Consecration 129 Various uses of kivas 130 Kiva ownership 133 Motives for building a kiva 134 Significance of structural plan 135 Typical measurements 136 List of Tusayan kivas 136 Details of Tusayan and Cibola construction 137 Walls 137 Roofs and floors 148 Wall copings and roof drains 151 Ladders and steps 156 Cooking pits and ovens 162 Oven-shaped structures 167 Fireplaces and chimneys 167 Gateways and covered passages 180 Doors 182 Windows 194 Roof openings 201 Furniture 208 Corrals and gardens; eagle cages 214 "Kisi" construction 217 Architectural nomenclature 220

Concluding remarks 223



ILLUSTRATIONS.

Page. Plate I. Map of the provinces of Tusayan and Cibola 12 II. Old Mashongnavi, plan 14 III. General view of Awatubi 16 IV. Awatubi (Talla-Hogan), plan 18 V. Standing walls of Awatubi 20 VI. Adobe fragment in Awatubi 22 VII. Horn House ruin, plan 24 VIII. Bat House 26 IX. Mishiptonga (Jeditoh) 28 X. A small ruin near Moen-kopi 30 XI. Masonry on the outer wall of the Fire-House, detail 32 XII. Chukubi, plan 34 XIII. Payupki, plan 36 XIV. General view of Payupki 38 XV. Standing walls of Payupki 40 XVI. Plan of Hano 42 XVII. View of Hano 44 XVIII. Plan of Sichumovi 46 XIX. View of Sichumovi 48 XX. Plan of Walpi 50 XXI. View of Walpi 52 XXII. South passageway of Walpi 54 XXIII. Houses built over irregular sites, Walpi 56 XXIV. Dance rock and kiva, Walpi 58 XXV. Foot trail to Walpi 60 XXVI. Mashongnavi, plan 62 XXVII. Mashongnavi with Shupaulovi in distance 64 XXVIII. Back wall of a Mashongnavi house-row 66 XXIX. West side of a principal row in Mashongnavi 68 XXX. Plan of Shupaulovi 70 XXXI. View of Shupaulovi 72 XXXII. A covered passageway of Shupaulovi 74 XXXIII. The chief kiva of Shupaulovi 76 XXXIV. Plan of Shumopavi 78 XXXV. View of Shumopavi 80 XXXVI. Oraibi, plan In pocket. XXXVII. Key to the Oraibi plan, also showing localization of gentes 82 XXXVIII. A court of Oraibi 84 XXXIX. Masonry terraces of Oraibi 86 XL. Oraibi house row, showing court side 88 XLI. Back of Oraibi house row 90 XLII. The site of Moen-kopi 92 XLIII. Plan of Moen-kopi 94 XLIV. Moen-kopi 96 XLV. The Mormon mill at Moen-kopi 98 XLVI. Hawikuh, plan 100 XLVII. Hawikuh, view 102 XLVIII. Adobe church at Hawikuh 104 XLIX. Ketchipanan, plan 106 L. Ketchipauan 108 LI. Stone church at Ketchipauan 110 LII. K'iakima, plan 112 LIII. Site of K'iakima, at base of Taaaiyalana 114 LIV. Recent wall at K'iakima 116 LV. Matsaki, plan 118 LVI. Standing wall at Pinawa 120 LVII. Halona excavations as seen from Zuni 122 LVIII. Fragments of Halona wall 124 LIX. The mesa of Taaaiyalana, from Zuni 126 LX. Taaaiyalana, plan 128 LXI. Standing walls of Taaaiyalana ruins 130 LXII. Remains of a reservoir on Taaaiyalana 132 LXIII. Kin-tiel, plan (also showing excavations) 134 LXIV. North wall of Kin-tiel 136 LXV. Standing walls of Kin-tiel 138 LXVI. Kinna-Zinde 140 LXVII. Nutria, plan 142 LXVIII. Nutria, view 144 LXIX. Pescado, plan 146 LXX. Court view of Pescado, showing corrals 148 LXXI. Pescado houses 150 LXXII. Fragments of ancient masonry in Pescado 152 LXXIII. Ojo Caliente, plan In pocket. LXXIV. General view of Ojo Caliente 154 LXXV. House at Ojo Caliente 156 LXXVI. Zuni, plan In pocket. LXXVII. Outline plan of Zuni, showing distribution of oblique openings 158 LXXVIII. General inside view of Zuni, looking west 160 LXXIX. Zuni terraces 162 LXXX. Old adobe church of Zuni 164 LXXXI. Eastern rows of Zuni 166 LXXXII. A Zuni court 168 LXXXIII. A Zuni small house 170 LXXXIV. A house-building at Oraibi 172 LXXXV. A Tusayan interior 174 LXXXVI. A Zuni interior 176 LXXXVII. A kiva hatchway of Tusayan 178 LXXXVIII. North kivas of Shumopavi, from the northeast 180 LXXXIX. Masonry in the north wing of Kin-tiel 182 XC. Adobe garden walls near Zuni. 184 XCI. A group of stone corrals near Oraibi 186 XCII. An inclosing wall of upright stones at Ojo Caliente 188 XCIII. Upright blocks of sandstone built into an ancient pueblo wall 190 XCIV. Ancient wall of upright rocks in southwestern Colorado 192 XCV. Ancient floor-beams at Kin-tiel 194 XCVI. Adobe walls in Zuni 196 XCVII. Wall coping and oven at Zuni 198 XCVIII. Cross-pieces on Zuni ladders 200 XCIX. Outside steps at Pescado 202 C. An excavated room at Kin-tiel 204 CI. Masonry chimneys of Zuni 206 CII. Remains of a gateway in Awatubi 208 CIII. Ancient gateway, Kin-tiel 210 CIV. A covered passageway in Mashongnavi 212 CV. Small square openings in Pueblo Bonito 214 CVI. Sealed openings in a detached house of Nutria 216 CVII. Partial filling-in of a large opening in Oraibi, converting it into a doorway 218 CVIII. Large openings reduced to small windows, Oraibi 220 CIX. Stone corrals and kiva of Mashongnavi 222 CX. Portion of a corral in Pescado 224 CXI. Zuni eagle-cage 226

Page. Fig. 1. View of the First Mesa 43 2. Ruins, Old Walpi mound 47 3. Ruin between Bat House and Horn House 51 4. Ruin near Moen-kopi, plan 53 5. Ruin 7 miles north of Oraibi 55 6. Ruin 14 miles north of Oraibi (Kwaituki) 56 7. Oval fire-house ruin, plan. (Tebugkihu) 58 8. Topography of the site of Walpi 64 9. Mashongnavi and Shupaulovi from Shumopavi 66 10. Diagram showing growth of Mashongnavi 67 11. Diagram showing growth of Mashongnavi 68 12. Diagram showing growth of Mashongnavi 69 13. Topography of the site of Shupaulovi 71 14. Court kiva of Shumopavi 75 15. Hampassawan, plan 84 16. Pinawa, plan 87 17. Nutria, plan; small diagram, old wall 94 18. Pescado, plan, old wall diagram 95 19. A Tusayan wood-rack 103 20. Interior ground plan of a Tusayan room 108 21. North kivas of Shumopavi from the southwest 114 22. Ground plan of the chief-kiva of Shupaulovi 122 23. Ceiling-plan of the chief-kiva of Shupaulovi 123 24. Interior view of a Tusayan kiva 124 25. Ground-plan of a Shupaulovi kiva 125 26. Ceiling-plan of a Shupaulovi kiva 125 27. Ground-plan of the chief-kiva of Mashongnavi 126 28. Interior view of a kiva hatchway in Tusayan 127 29. Mat used in closing the entrance of Tusayan kivas 128 30. Rectangular sipapuh in a Mashongnavi kiva 131 31. Loom-post in kiva floor at Tusayan 132 32. A Zuni chimney showing pottery fragments embedded in its adobe base 139 33. A Zuni oven with pottery scales embedded in its surface 139 34. Stone wedges of Zuni masonry exposed in a rain-washed wall 141 35. An unplastered house wall in Ojo Caliente 142 36. Wall decorations in Mashongnavi, executed in pink on a white ground 146 37. Diagram of Zuni roof construction 149 38. Showing abutment of smaller roof-beams over round girders 151 39. Single stone roof-drains 153 40. Trough roof-drains of stone 153 41. Wooden roof-drains 154 42. Curved roof-drains of stone in Tusayan 154 43. Tusayan roof-drains; a discarded metate and a gourd 155 44. Zuni roof-drain, with splash-stones on roof below 156 45. A modern notched ladder in Oraibi 157 46. Tusayan notched ladders from Mashongnavi 157 47. Aboriginal American forms of ladder 158 48. Stone steps at Oraibi with platform at corner 161 49. Stone steps, with platform at chimney, in Oraibi 161 50. Stone steps in Shumopavi 162 51. A series of cooking pits in Mashongnavi 163 52. Pi-gummi ovens of Mashongnavi 163 53. Cross sections of pi-gummi ovens of Mashongnavi 163 54. Diagrams showing foundation stones of a Zuni oven 164 55. Dome-shaped oven on a plinth of masonry 165 56. Oven in Pescado exposing stones of masonry 166 57. Oven in Pescado exposing stones of masonry 166 58. Shrines in Mashongnavi 167 59. A poultry house in Sichumovi resembling an oven 167 60. Ground-plan of an excavated room in Kin-tiel 168 61. A corner chimney-hood with two supporting poles, Tusayan 170 62. A curved chimney-hood of Mashongnavi 170 63. A Mashongnavi chimney-hood and walled-up fireplace 171 64. A chimney-hood of Shupaulovi 172 65. A semi-detached square chimney-hood of Zuni 172 66. Unplastered Zuni chimney-hoods, illustrating construction 173 67. A fireplace and mantel in Sichumovi 174 68. A second-story fireplace in Mashongnavi 174 69. Piki stone and chimney-hood in Sichumovi 175 70. Piki stone and primitive andiron in Shumopavi 176 71. A terrace fireplace and chimney of Shumopavi 177 72. A terrace cooking-pit and chimney of Walpi 177 73. A ground cooking-pit of Shumopavi covered with a chimney 178 74. Tusayan chimneys 179 75. A barred Zuni door 183 76. Wooden pivot hinges of a Zuni door 184 77. Paneled wooden doors in Hano 185 78. Framing of a Zuni door panel 186 79. Rude transoms over Tusayan openings 188 80. A large Tusayan doorway, with small transom openings 189 81. A doorway and double transom in Walpi 189 82. An ancient doorway in a Canyon de Chelly cliff ruin 190 83. A symmetrical notched doorway in Mashongnavi 190 84. A Tusayan notched doorway 191 85. A large Tusayan doorway with one notched jamb 192 86. An ancient circular doorway, or "stone-close," in Kin-tiel 193 87. Diagram illustrating symmetrical arrangement of small openings in Pueblo Bonito 195 88. Incised decoration on a rude window-sash in Zuni 196 89. Sloping selenite window at base of Zuni wall on upper terrace 197 90. A Zuni window glazed with selenite 197 91. Small openings in the back wall of a Zuni house cluster 198 92. Sealed openings in Tusayan 199 93. A Zuni doorway converted into a window 201 94. Zuni roof-openings 202 95. A Zuni roof-opening with raised coping 203 96. Zuni roof-openings with one raised end 203 97. A Zuni roof-hole with cover 204 98. Kiva trap-door in Zuni 205 99. Halved and pinned trap-door frame of a Zuni kiva 206 100. Typical sections of Zuni oblique openings 208 101. Arrangement of mealing stones in a Tusayan house 209 102. A Tusayan grain bin 210 103. A Zuni plume-box 210 104. A Zuni plume-box 210 105. A Tusayan mealing trough 211 106. An ancient pueblo form of metate 211 107. Zuni stools 213 108. A Zuni chair 213 109. Construction of a Zuni corral 215 110. Gardens of Zuni 216 111. "Kishoni," or uncovered shade, of Tusayan 218 112. A Tusayan field shelter, from southwest 219 113. A Tusayan field shelter, from northeast 219 114. Diagram showing ideal section of terraces, with Tusayan names 223





* * * * *

A STUDY OF PUEBLO ARCHITECTURE IN TUSAYAN AND CIBOLA.

By Victor Mindeleff.

* * * * *

INTRODUCTION.

The remains of pueblo architecture are found scattered over thousands of square miles of the arid region of the southwestern plateaus. This vast area includes the drainage of the Rio Pecos on the east and that of the Colorado on the west, and extends from central Utah on the north beyond the limits of the United States southward, in which direction its boundaries are still undefined.

The descendants of those who at various times built these stone villages are few in number and inhabit about thirty pueblos distributed irregularly over parts of the region formerly occupied. Of these the greater number are scattered along the upper course of the Rio Grande and its tributaries in New Mexico; a few of them, comprised within the ancient provinces of Cibola and Tusayan, are located within the drainage of the Little Colorado. From the time of the earliest Spanish expeditions into the country to the present day, a period covering more than three centuries, the former province has been often visited by whites, but the remoteness of Tusayan and the arid and forbidding character of its surroundings have caused its more complete isolation. The architecture of this district exhibits a close adherence to aboriginal practices, still bears the marked impress of its development under the exacting conditions of an arid environment, and is but slowly yielding to the influence of foreign ideas.

The present study of the architecture of Tusayan and Cibola embraces all of the inhabited pueblos of those provinces, and includes a number of the ruins traditionally connected with them. It will be observed by reference to the map that the area embraced in these provinces comprises but a small portion of the vast region over which pueblo culture once extended.

This study is designed to be followed by a similar study of two typical groups of ruins, viz, that of Canyon de Chelly, in northeastern Arizona, and that of the Chaco Canyon, of New Mexico; but it has been necessary for the writer to make occasional reference to these ruins in the present paper, both in the discussion of general arrangement and characteristic ground plans, embodied in Chapters II and III and in the comparison by constructional details treated in Chapter IV, in order to define clearly the relations of the various features of pueblo architecture. They belong to the same pueblo system illustrated by the villages of Tusayan and Cibola, and with the Canyon de Chelly group there is even some trace of traditional connection, as is set forth by Mr. Stephen in Chapter I. The more detailed studies of these ruins, to be published later, together with the material embodied in the present paper, will, it is thought, furnish a record of the principal characteristics of an important type of primitive architecture, which, under the influence of the arid environment of the southwestern plateaus, has developed from the rude lodge into the many-storied house of rectangular rooms. Indications of some of the steps of this development are traceable even in the architecture of the present day.

The pueblo of Zuni was surveyed by the writer in the autumn of 1881 with a view to procuring the necessary data for the construction of a large-scale model of this pueblo. For this reason the work afforded a record of external features only.

The modern pueblos of Tusayan were similarly surveyed in the following season (1882-'83), the plans being supplemented by photographs, from which many of the illustrations accompanying this paper have been drawn. The ruin of Awatubi was also included in the work of this season.

In the autumn of 1885 many of the ruined pueblos of Tusayan were surveyed and examined. It was during this season's work that the details of the kiva construction, embodied in the last chapter of this paper, were studied, together with interior details of the dwellings. It was in the latter part of this season that the farming pueblos of Cibola were surveyed and photographed.

The Tusayan farming pueblo of Moen-kopi and a number of the ruins in the province were surveyed and studied in the early part of the season of 1887-'88, the latter portion of which season was principally devoted to an examination of the Chaco ruins in New Mexico.

In the prosecution of the field work above outlined the author has been greatly indebted to the efficient assistance and hearty cooperation of Mr. Cosmos Mindeleff, by whom nearly all the pueblos illustrated, with the exception of Zuni, have been surveyed and platted.

The plans obtained have involved much careful work with surveying instruments, and have all been so platted as faithfully to record the minute variations from geometric forms which are so characteristic of the pueblo work, but which have usually been ignored in the hastily prepared sketch plans that have at times appeared. In consequence of the necessary omission of just such information in hastily drawn plans, erroneous impressions have been given regarding the degree of skill to which the pueblo peoples had attained in the planning and building of their villages. In the general distribution of the houses, and in the alignment and arrangement of their walls, as indicated in the plans shown in Chapters II and III, an absence of high architectural attainment is found, which is entirely in keeping with the lack of skill apparent in many of the constructional devices shown in Chapter IV.



In preparing this paper for publication Mr. Cosmos Mindeleff has rendered much assistance in the revision of manuscript, and in the preparation of some of the final drawings of ground plans; on him has also fallen the compilation and arrangement of Mr. A. M. Stephen's traditionary material from Tusayan, embraced in the first chapter of the paper.

This latter material is of special interest in a study of the pueblos as indicating some of the conditions under which this architectural type was developed, and it appropriately introduces the more purely architectural study by the author.

Such traditions must be used as history with the utmost caution, and only for events that are very recent. Time relations are often hopelessly confused and the narratives are greatly incumbered with mythologic details. But while so barren in definite information, these traditions are of the greatest value, often through their merely incidental allusions, in presenting to our minds a picture of the conditions under which the repeated migrations of the pueblo builders took place.

The development of architecture among the Pueblo Indians was comparatively rapid and is largely attributable to frequent changes, migrations, and movements of the people as described in Mr. Stephen's account. These changes were due to a variety of causes, such as disease, death, the frequent warfare carried on between different tribes and branches of the builders, and the hostility of outside tribes; but a most potent factor was certainly the inhospitable character of their environment. The disappearance of some venerated spring during an unusually dry season would be taken as a sign of the disfavor of the gods, and, in spite of the massive character of the buildings, would lead to the migration of the people to a more favorable spot. The traditions of the Zunis, as well as those of the Tusayan, frequently refer to such migrations. At times tribes split up and separate, and again phratries or distant groups meet and band together. It is remarkable that the substantial character of the architecture should persist through such long series of compulsory removals, but while the builders were held together by the necessity for defense against their wilder neighbors or against each other, this strong defensive motive would perpetuate the laborious type of construction. Such conditions would contribute to the rapid development of the building art.



CHAPTER I.

TRADITIONAL HISTORY OF TUSAYAN.

EXPLANATORY.

In this chapter[1] is presented a summary of the traditions of the Tusayan, a number of which were collected from old men, from Walpi on the east to Moen-kopi on the west. A tradition varies much with the tribe and the individual; an authoritative statement of the current tradition on any point could be made only with a complete knowledge of all traditions extant. Such knowledge is not possessed by any one man, and the material included in this chapter is presented simply as a summary of the traditions secured.

[Footnote 1: This chapter is compiled by Cosmos Mindeleff from material collected by A. M. Stephen.]

The material was collected by Mr. A. M. Stephen, of Keam's Canyon, Arizona, who has enjoyed unusual facilities for the work, having lived for a number of years past in Tusayan and possessed the confidence of the principal priests—a very necessary condition in work of this character. Though far from complete, this summary is a more comprehensive presentation of the traditionary history of these people than has heretofore been published.

SUMMARY OF TRADITIONS.

The creation myths of the Tusayan differ widely, but none of them designate the region now occupied as the place of their genesis. These people are socially divided into family groups called wi'ngwu, the descendants of sisters, and groups of wi'ngwu tracing descent from the same female ancestor, and having a common totem called my'umu. Each of these totemic groups preserves a creation myth, carrying in its details special reference to themselves; but all of them claim a common origin in the interior of the earth, although the place of emergence to the surface is set in widely separated localities. They all agree in maintaining this to be the fourth plane on which mankind has existed. In the beginning all men lived together in the lowest depths, in a region of darkness and moisture; their bodies were misshaped and horrible, and they suffered great misery, moaning and bewailing continually. Through the intervention of Myuingwa (a vague conception known as the god of the interior) and of Baholikonga (a crested serpent of enormous size, the genius of water), the "old men" obtained a seed from which sprang a magic growth of cane. It penetrated through a crevice in the roof overhead and mankind climbed to a higher plane. A dim light appeared in this stage and vegetation was produced. Another magic growth of cane afforded the means of rising to a still higher plane on which the light was brighter; vegetation was reproduced and the animal kingdom was created. The final ascent to this present, or fourth plane, was effected by similar magic growths and was led by mythic twins, according to some of the myths, by climbing a great pine tree, in others by climbing the cane, Phragmites communis, the alternate leaves of which afforded steps as of a ladder, and in still others it is said to have been a rush, through the interior of which the people passed up to the surface. The twins sang as they pulled the people out, and when their song was ended no more were allowed to come; and hence, many more were left below than were permitted to come above; but the outlet through which mankind came has never been closed, and Myu'ingwa sends through it the germs of all living things. It is still symbolized by the peculiar construction of the hatchway of the kiva and in the designs on the sand altars in these underground chambers, by the unconnected circle painted on pottery and by devices on basketry and other textile fabrics.



All the people that were permitted to come to the surface were collected and the different families of men were arranged together. This was done under the direction of twins, who are called Pekonghoya, the younger one being distinguished by the term Balingahoya, the Echo. They were assisted by their grandmother, Kohkyang wuhti, the Spider woman, and these appear in varying guises in many of the myths and legends. They instructed the people in divers modes of life to dwell on mountain or on plain, to build lodges, or huts, or windbreaks. They distributed appropriate gifts among them and assigned each a pathway, and so the various families of mankind were dispersed over the earth's surface.

The Hopituh,[2] after being taught to build stone houses, were also divided, and the different divisions took separate paths. The legends indicate a long period of extensive migrations in separate communities; the groups came to Tusayan at different times and from different directions, but the people of all the villages concur in designating the Snake people as the first occupants of the region. The eldest member of that nyumu tells a curious legend of their migration from which the following is quoted:

At the general dispersal my people lived in snake skins, each family occupying a separate snake skin bag, and all were hung on the end of a rainbow, which swung around until the end touched Navajo Mountain, where the bags dropped from it; and wherever a bag dropped, there was their house. After they arranged their bags they came out from them as men and women, and they then, built a stone house which had five sides. [The story here relates the adventures of a mythic Snake Youth, who brought back a strange woman who gave birth to rattlesnakes; these bit the people and compelled them to migrate.] A brilliant star arose in the southeast, which would shine for a while and then disappear. The old men said, "Beneath that star there must be people," so they determined to travel toward it. They cut a staff and set it in the ground and watched till the star reached its top, then they started and traveled as long as the star shone; when it disappeared they halted. But the star did not shine every night, for sometimes many years elapsed before it appeared again. When this occurred, our people built houses during their halt; they built both round and square houses, and all the ruins between here and Navajo Mountain mark the places where our people lived. They waited till the star came to the top of the staff again, then they moved on, but many people were left in those houses and they followed afterward at various times. When our people reached Wipho (a spring a few miles north from Walpi) the star disappeared and has never been seen since. They built a house there and after a time Masauwu (the god of the face of the earth) came and compelled them to move farther down the valley, to a point about half way between the East and Middle Mesa, and there they stayed many plantings. One time the old men were assembled and Masauwu came among them, looking like a horrible skeleton, and his bones rattling dreadfully. He menaced them with awful gestures, and lifted off his fleshless head and thrust it into their faces; but he could not frighten them. So he said, "I have lost my wager; all that I have is yours; ask for anything you want and I will give it to you." At that time our people's house was beside the water course, and Masauwu said, "Why are you sitting here in the mud? Go up yonder where it is dry." So they went across to the low, sandy terrace on the west side of the mesa, near the point, and built a house and lived there. Again the old men were assembled and two demons came among them and the old men took the great Baho and the nwelas and chased them away. When they were returning, and were not far north from their village, they met the Lenbaki (Cane-Flute, a religious society still maintained) of the Horn family. The old men would not allow them to come in until Masauwu appeared and declared them to be good Hopituh. So they built houses adjoining ours and that made a fine, large village. Then other Hopituh came in from time to time, and our people would say, "Build here, or build there," and portioned the land among the new comers.

[Footnote 2: The term by which the Tusayan Indians proper designate themselves. This term does not include the inhabitants of the village of Tewa or Hano, who are called Hanomuh.]

The site of the first Snake house in the valley, mentioned in the foregoing legend, is now barely to be discerned, and the people refuse to point out the exact spot. It is held as a place of votive offerings during the ceremony of the Snake dance, and, as its name, Batni, implies, certain rain-fetiches are deposited there in small jars buried in the ground. The site of the village next occupied can be quite easily distinguished, and is now called Kwetcap tutwi, ash heap terrace, and this was the village to which the name Walpi was first applied—a term meaning the place at the notched mesa, in allusion to a broad gap in the stratum of sandstone on the summit of the mesa, and by which it can be distinguished from a great distance. The ground plan of this early Walpi can still be partly traced, indicating the former existence of an extensive village of clustering, little-roomed houses, with thick walls constructed of small stones.

The advent of the Lenbaki is still commemorated by a biennial ceremony, and is celebrated on the year alternating with their other biennial ceremony, the Snake dance.

The Horn people, to which the Lenbaki belonged, have a legend of coming from a mountain range in the east.

Its peaks were always snow covered, and the trees were always green. From the hillside the plains were seen, over which roamed the deer, the antelope, and the bison, feeding on never-failing grasses. Twining through these plains were streams of bright water, beautiful to look upon. A place where none but those who were of our people ever gained access.



This description suggests some region of the head-waters of the Rio Grande. Like the Snake people, they tell of a protracted migration, not of continuous travel, for they remained for many seasons in one place, where they would plant and build permanent houses. One of these halting places is described as a canyon with high, steep walls, in which was a flowing stream; this, it is said, was the Tsegi (the Navajo name for Canyon de Chelly). Here they built a large house in a cavernous recess, high up in the canyon wall. They tell of devoting two years[3] to ladder making and cutting and pecking shallow holes up the steep rocky side by which to mount to the cavern, and three years more were employed in building the house. While this work was in progress part of the men were planting gardens, and the women and children were gathering stones. But no adequate reason is given for thus toiling to fit this impracticable site for occupation; the footprints of Masauwu, which they were following, led them there.

[Footnote 3: The term yasuna, translated here as "year," is of rather indefinite significance; it sometimes means thirteen moons and in other instances much longer periods.]

The legend goes on to tell that after they had lived there for a long time a stranger happened to stray in their vicinity, who proved to be a Hopituh, and said that he lived in the south. After some stay he left and was accompanied by a party of the "Horn," who were to visit the land occupied by their kindred Hopituh and return with an account of them; but they never came back. After waiting a long time another band was sent, who returned and said that the first emissaries had found wives and had built houses on the brink of a beautiful canyon, not far from the other Hopituh dwellings. After this many of the Horns grew dissatisfied with their cavern home, dissensions arose, they left their home, and finally they reached Tusayan. They lived at first in one of the canyons east of the villages, in the vicinity of Keam's Canyon, and some of the numerous ruins on its brink mark the sites of their early houses. There seems to be no legend distinctly attaching any particular ruin to the Horn people, although there is little doubt that the Snake and the Horn were the two first peoples who came to the neighborhood of the present villages. The Bear people were the next, but they arrived as separate branches, and from opposite directions, although of the same Hopituh stock. It has been impossible to obtain directly the legend of the Bears from the west. The story of the Bears from the east tells of encountering the Fire people, then living about 25 miles east from Walpi; but these are now extinct, and nearly all that is known of them is told in the Bear legend, the gist of which is as follows:

The Bears originally lived among the mountains of the east, not far distant from the Horns. Continual quarrels with neighboring villages brought on actual fighting, and the Bears left that region and traveled westward. As with all the other people, they halted, built houses, and planted, remaining stationary for a long while; this occurred at different places along their route.

A portion of these people had wings, and they flew in advance to survey the land, and when the main body were traversing an arid region they found water for them. Another portion had claws with which they dug edible roots, and they could also use them for scratching hand and foot holes in the face of a steep cliff. Others had hoofs, and these carried the heaviest burdens; and some had balls of magic spider web, which they could use on occasion for ropes, and they could also spread the web and use it as a mantle, rendering the wearer invisible when he apprehended danger.

They too came to the Tsegi (Canyon de Chelly), where they found houses but no people, and they also built houses there. While living there a rupture occurred, a portion of them separating and going far to the westward. These seceding bands are probably that branch of the Bears who claim their origin in the west. Some time after this, but how long after is not known, a plague visited the canyon, and the greater portion of the people moved away, but leaving numbers who chose to remain. They crossed the Chinli valley and halted for a short time at a place a short distance northeast from Great Willow water ("Eighteen Mile Spring"). They did not remain there long, however, but moved a few miles farther west, to a place occupied by the Fire people who lived in a large oval house. The ruin of this house still stands, the walls from 5 to 8 feet high, and remarkable from the large-sized blocks of stone used in their construction; it is still known to the Hopituh as Tebvwuki, the Fire-house. Here some fighting occurred, and the Bears moved westward again to the head of Antelope (Jeditoh) Canyon, about 4 miles from Keam's Canyon and about 15 miles east from Walpi. They built there a rambling cluster of small-roomed houses, of which the ground plan has now become almost obliterated. This ruin is called by the Hopituh "the ruin at the place of wild gourds." They seem to have occupied this neighborhood for a considerable period, as mention is made of two or three segregations, when groups of families moved a few miles away and built similar house clusters on the brink of that canyon.



The Fire-people, who, some say, were of the Horn people, must have abandoned their dwelling at the Oval House or must have been driven out at the time of their conflict with the Bears, and seem to have traveled directly to the neighborhood of Walpi. The Snakes allotted them a place to build in the valley on the east side of the mesa, and about two miles north from the gap. A ridge of rocky knolls and sand dunes lies at the foot of the mesa here, and close to the main cliff is a spring. There are two prominent knolls about 400 yards apart and the summits of these are covered with traces of house walls; also portions of walls can be discerned on all the intervening hummocks. The place is known as Sikyatki, the yellow-house, from the color of the sandstone of which the houses were built. These and other fragmentary bits have walls not over a foot thick, built of small stones dressed by rubbing, and all laid in mud; the inside of the walls also show a smooth coating of mud plaster. The dimensions of the rooms are very small, the largest measuring 91/2 feet long, by 41/2 feet wide. It is improbable that any of these structures were over two stories high, and many of them were built in excavated places around the rocky summits of the knolls. In these instances no rear wall was built; the partition walls, radiating at irregular angles, abut against the rock itself. Still, the great numbers of these houses, small as they were, must have been far more than the Fire-people could have required, for the oval house which they abandoned measures not more than a hundred feet by fifty. Probably other incoming gentes, of whom no story has been preserved, had also the ill fate to build there, for the Walpi people afterward slew all its inhabitants.

There is little or no detail in the legends of the Bear people as to their life in Antelope Canyon; they can now distinguish only one ruin with certainty as having been occupied by their ancestors, while to all the other ruins fanciful names have been applied. Nor is there any special cause mentioned for abandoning their dwellings there; probably, however, a sufficient reason was the cessation of springs in their vicinity. Traces of former large springs are seen at all of them, but no water flows from them at the present time. Whatever their motive, the Bears left Antelope Canyon, and moved over to the village of Walpi, on the terrace below the point of the mesa. They were received kindly there, and were apparently placed on an equal footing with the Walpi, for it seems the Snake, Horn, and Bear have always been on terms of friendship. They built houses at that village, and lived there for some considerable time; then they moved a short distance and built again almost on the very point of the mesa. This change was not caused by any disagreement with their neighbors; they simply chose that point as a suitable place on which to build all their houses together. The site of this Bear house is called Kisakobi, the obliterated house, and the name is very appropriate, as there is merely the faintest trace here and there to show where a building stood, the stones having been used in the construction of the modern Walpi. These two villages were quite close together, and the subsequent construction of a few additional groups of rooms almost connected them, so that they were always considered and spoken of as one.

It was at this period, while Walpi was still on this lower site, that the Spaniards came into the country. They met with little or no opposition, and their entrance was marked by no great disturbances. No special tradition preserves any of the circumstances of this event; these first coming Spaniards being only spoken of as the "Kast'ilumuh who wore iron garments, and came from the south," and this brief mention may be accounted for by the fleeting nature of these early visits.

The zeal of the Spanish priests carried them everywhere throughout their newly acquired territory, and some time in the seventeenth century a band of missionary monks found their way to Tusayan. They were accompanied by a few troops to impress the people with a due regard for Spanish authority, but to display the milder side of their mission, they also brought herds of sheep and cattle for distribution. At first these were herded at various springs within a wide radius around the villages, and the names still attaching to these places memorize the introduction of sheep and cattle to this region. The Navajo are first definitely mentioned in tradition as occupants of this vicinity in connection with these flocks and herds, in the distribution of which they gave much undesirable assistance by driving off the larger portion to their own haunts.

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