HotFreeBooks.com
The Philippine Islands, 1493-1803, Volume II, 1521-1569
by Emma Helen Blair
1  2  3  4  5  6     Next Part
Home - Random Browse

The Philippine Islands, 1493-1803

explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the beginning of the nineteenth century

Volume II, 1521-1569



Edited and annotated by Emma Helen Blair and James Alexander Robertson with historical introduction and additional notes by Edward Gaylord Bourne.



Contents of Volume II



Preface Expedition of Garcia de Loaisa—1525-26

[Resume of contemporaneous documents—1522-37]

Voyage of Alvaro de Saavedra—1527-28.

[Resume of contemporaneous documents—1527-28]

Expedition of Ruy Lopez de Villalobos

[Resume of contemporaneous documents—[1541-48]

Expedition of Miguel Lopez de Legazpi—1564-68.

[Resume of contemporaneous documents—1559-68]

Warrant of the Augustinian authorities in Mexico establishing a branch of their brotherhood in the Philippines—1564

Act of taking possession of Cibabao, Fernando Riquel; Cibabao, February 15, 1565

Proclamation ordering the declaration of the gold taken from the burial-places of the Indians. M.L. de Legazpi; Cubu, May 16, 1565

Letters to Felipe II of Spain. M.L. de Legazpi and others; Cubu, May 27 and 29, and June 1, 1565

Letter from the royal officials of the Filipinas to the royal Audiencia at Mexico, accompanied by a memorandum of the necessary things to be sent to the colony. Guido de Labecares and others; Cubu, May 28, 1565

Relation of the voyage to the Philippines. M. L. de Legazpi; Cubu, [1565]

[1]Copia de vna carta venida de Seuilla a Miguel Saluador de Valencia. (Barcelona, Pau Cortey, 1566)

Letters to Felipe II of Spain. M.L. de Legazpi; Cubu, July 12, 15, and 23, 1567 and June 26, 1568

Negotiations between Legazpi and Pereira regarding the Spanish settlement at Cebu. Fernando Riquel; 1568-69

Bibliographical Data



Illustrations

Portrait of Miguel Lopez de Legazpi; photographic reproduction from painting in Museo-Biblioteca de Ultramar, Madrid. Frontispiece

Portrait of Fray Andres de Urdaneta; photographic reproduction from painting by Madrazo, in possession of the Colegio de Filipinas (Augustinian), Valladolid.

Signatures of Legazpi and other officials in the Philippines; photographic facsimile from original MS. of their letter of June 1, 1565, in the Archivo general de Indias, Seville.

The Santo Nino of Cebu (image of the child Jesus found there by Legazpi's soldiers in 1565); from a plate in possession of the Colegio de Filipinas, Valladolid.



Preface

The next attempt to reach the Spice Islands is made by Garcia Jofre de Loaisa. A synopsis of contemporary documents is here presented: discussion as to the location of the India House of Trade; concessions offered by the Spanish government to persons who aid in equipping expeditions for the Moluccas; instructions to Loaisa and his subordinates for the conduct of their enterprise; accounts of their voyage, etc. Loaisa's fleet departs from Spain on July 24, 1525, and ten months later emerges from the Strait of Magellan. Three of his ships have been lost, and a fourth is compelled to seek necessary supplies at the nearest Spanish settlements on the west coast of South America; Loaisa has remaining but three vessels for the long and perilous trip across the Pacific. One of the lost ships finally succeeds in reaching Spain, but its captain, Rodrigo de Acuna, is detained in long and painful captivity at Pernambuco. The partial log of the flagship and an account of the disasters which befell the expedition are sent to the emperor (apparently from Tidore) by Hernando de la Torre, one of its few survivors, who asks that aid be sent them. Loaisa himself and nearly all his officers are dead—one of the captains being killed by his own men. At Tidore meet (June 30, 1528) the few Spaniards remaining alive (in all, twenty-five out of one hundred and forty-six) in the "Victoria" and in the ship of Saavedra, who has been sent by Cortes to search for the missing fleets which had set out from Spain for the Moluccas. Urdaneta's relation of the Loaisa expedition goes over the same ground, but adds many interesting details.

Various documents (in synopsis) show the purpose for which Saavedra is despatched from Mexico, the instructions given to him, and letters which he is to carry to various persons. Among these epistles, that written by Hernando Cortes to the king of Cebu is given in full; he therein takes occasion to blame Magalhaes for the conflict with hostile natives which resulted in the discoverer's death. He also asks the Cebuan ruler to liberate any Spaniards who may be in his power, and offers to ransom them, if that be required. Saavedra's own account of the voyage states that the time of his departure from New Spain was October, 1527. Arrivingat the island of Visaya, he finds three Spaniards who tell him that the eight companions o Magalhaes left at Cebu had been sold by their captors to the Chinese.

Undaunted by these failures, another expedition sets forth (1542) to gain a footing for Spanish power on the Western Islands—that commanded by Ruy Lopez de Villalobos; it is under the auspices of the two most powerful officials in New Spain, and is abundantly supplied with men and provisions. The contracts made with the king by its promoters give interesting details of the methods by which such enterprises were conducted. Various encouragements and favors are offered to colonists who shall settle in those islands; privileges and grants are conferred on Alvarado, extending to his heirs. Provision is made for land-grants, hospitals, religious instruction and worship, and the respective rights of the conquerors and the king. The instructions given to Villalobos and other officials are minute and careful. At Navidad Villalobos and all his officers and men take solemn oaths (October 22, 1542) to carry out the pledges that they have made, and to fulfil their respective duties. In 1543 complaint is made that Villalobos is infringing the Portuguese demarcation line, and plundering the natives, which he denies. An account of his expedition (summarized, like the other documents), written by Fray Jeronimo de Santisteban to the viceroy Mendoza, relates the sufferings of the Spaniards from hardships, famine, and disease. Of the three hundred and seventy men who had left New Spain, only one hundred and forty-seven survive to reach the Portuguese settlements in India. The writer justifies the acts of Villalobos, and asks the viceroy to provide for his orphaned children. Another account of this unfortunate enterprise was left by Garcia Descalante Alvarado, an officer of Villalobos; it also is written to the viceroy of New Spain and is dated at Lisbon, August 1, 1548. Like Santisteban's, this too is a record of famine and other privations, the treachery of the natives, and the hostility of the Portuguese. Finally, a truce is made between the Castilians and the Portuguese, and part of the former embark (February 18, 1546) for the island of Amboina, where many of them perish.

Nearly twenty years elapse before any further attempt of importance is made to secure possession of the Philippine Archipelago. In 1564 this is begun by the departure from New Spain of an expedition commanded by Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, with which enterprise begins the real history of the Philippine Islands. Synopses of many contemporaneous documents are here presented, covering the years 1559-68. This undertaking has its inception in the commands of Felipe II of Spain (September 24, 1559) to his viceroy in New Spain (now Luis de Velasco) to undertake "the discovery of the western islands toward the Malucos;" but those who shall be sent for this are warned to observe the Demarcation Line. The king also invites Andres de Urdaneta, now a friar in Mexico, to join the expedition, in which his scientific knowledge, and his early experience in the Orient, will be of great value. Velasco thinks (May 28, 1560) that the Philippines are on the Portuguese side of the Demarcation Line, but he will follow the royal commands as far as he safely can. He has already begun preparations for the enterprise, the purpose of which he is keeping secret as far as possible. By the same mail, Urdaneta writes to the king, acceding to the latter's request that he accompany the proposed expedition. He emphasizes the ownership of "the Filipina Island" (meaning Mindanao) by the Portuguese, and thinks that Spanish ships should not be despatched thither without the king's "showing some legitimate or pious reason therefor." Velasco makes report (February 9, 1561) of progress in the enterprise; the ships have been nearly built and provisioned, and Legazpi has been appointed its general. Urdaneta advises (also in 1561) that Acapulco be selected for their embarcation, as being more convenient and healthful than Navidad. He makes various other suggestions for the outfit of the expedition, which show his excellent judgment and practical good sense; and asks that various needed articles be sent from Spain. He desires that the fleet depart as early as October, 1562. Legazpi in a letter to the king (May 26, 1563) accepts the responsibility placed upon him, and asks for certain favors. Velasco explains (February 25 and June 15, 1564) the delays in the fleet's departure; he hopes that it will be ready to sail by the following September, and describes its condition and equipment. Velasco's death (July 31) makes it necessary for the royal Audiencia of Mexico to assume the charge of this enterprise. Their instructions to Legazpi (September 1, 1564) are given in considerable detail. Especial stress is laid on the necessity of discovering a return route from the Philippines; and Urdaneta is ordered to return with the ships sent back to New Spain for this purpose. By a letter dated September 12, the members of the Audiencia inform the king of the instructions they have given to Legazpi, and their orders that he should direct his course straight to the Philippines, which they regard as belonging to Spain rather than Portugal. In this same year, Juan de la Carrion, recently appointed admiral of the fleet, writes to the king, dissenting (as does the Audiencia) from Urdaneta's project for first exploring New Guinea, and urging that the expedition ought to sail directly to the Philippines. He says that he has been, however, overruled by Urdaneta. Legazpi announces to the king (November 18) his approaching departure from the port of Navidad; and Urdaneta writes a letter of similar tenor two days later. On that date (November 20) they leave port; and on the twenty-fifth Legazpi alters their course so as to turn it from the southwest directly toward the Philippines. This displeases the Augustinian friars on board; but they consent to go with the fleet. After various difficulties and mistakes in reckoning, they reach the Ladrones (January 22, 1565), finally anchoring at Guam. The natives prove to be shameless knaves and robbers, and treacherously murder a Spanish boy; in retaliation, their houses are burned and three men hanged by the enraged Spaniards. Legazpi takes formal possession of the islands for Spain. Proceeding to the Philippines, they reach Cebu on February 13, and thence make various journeys among the islands. They are suffering from lack of food, which they procure in small quantities, and with much difficulty, from the natives—often meeting from them, however, armed hostility. A Spanish detachment succeeds in capturing a Moro junk, after a desperate engagement; its crew are set at liberty, and then become very friendly to the strangers, giving them much interesting information about the commerce of those regions. Finally the leaders of the expedition decide to make a settlement on the island of Cebu. It is captured (April 28) by an armed party; they find in one of the houses an image, of Flemish workmanship, of the child Jesus, which they regard as a valuable prize, and an auspicious omen for their enterprise. The fort is built, and a church erected; and a nominal peace is concluded with the natives, but their treachery is displayed at every opportunity.

On May 28, 1565, the officials of the Western Islands write a report of their proceedings to the Audiencia of New Mexico. They have ascertained that the hostility of the natives arises from the cruelty and treachery of the Portuguese, who in Bohol perfidiously slew five hundred men and carried away six hundred prisoners. The Spaniards ask for immediate aid of soldiers and artillery with which to maintain their present hold, and to relieve the destitution which threatens them. They advise the speedy conquest of the islands, for in no other way can trade be carried on, or the Christian religion be propagated.

Another account of the expedition is given by Esteban Rodriguez, pilot of the fleet; it contains some interesting additional details. On June 1, 1565, the ship "San Pedro" is despatched to New Spain with letters to the authorities, which are in charge of the two Augustinian friars, Urdaneta and Aguirre. The log of the voyage kept by the pilot Espinosa is briefly summarized. When they reach the coast of Lower California the master of the vessel and Esteban Rodriguez, the chief pilot, perish from disease. The ship reaches Navidad on October 1, and Acapulco on the eighth, "after all the crew bad endured great hardships." Of the two hundred and ten persons who had sailed on the "San Pedro," sixteen died on the voyage, and less than a score were able to work when they arrived at Acapulco, all the rest being sick.

The previous record of the expedition is now continued. Legazpi makes a treaty with the chiefs of Cebu, who acknowledge the king of Spain as their suzerain. Gradually the natives regain their confidence in the Spaniards, return to their homes, and freely trade with the foreigners. Legazpi now is obliged to contend with drunkenness and licentiousness among his followers, but finds that these evils do not annoy the natives, among whom the standard of morality is exceedingly low. They worship their ancestors and the Devil, whom they invoke through their priests (who are usually women). Legazpi administers justice to all, protects the natives from wrong, and treats them with kindness and liberality. The head chief's niece is baptized, and soon afterward marries one of Legazpi's ship-men, a Greek; and other natives also are converted. The Spaniards aid the Cebuans against their enemies, and thus gain great prestige among all the islands. They find the Moros keen traders, and through them obtain abundance of provisions; the Moros also induce their countrymen in the northern islands to come to Cebu for trade. An attempt to reduce Matan fails, except in irritating its people. A dangerous mutiny in the Spanish camp is discovered and the ringleaders are hanged. The Spaniards experience much difficulty in procuring food, and are continually deceived and duped by the natives, "who have no idea of honor," even among themselves. Several expeditions are sent out to obtain food, and this opportunity is seized by some malcontents to arouse another mutiny, which ends as did the former. On October 15, 1566, a ship from New Spain arrives at Cebu, sent to aid Legazpi, but its voyage is a record of hardships, mutinies, deaths, and other calamities; it arrives in so rotten a condition that no smaller vessel could be made from it. A number of men die from "eating too much cinnamon." Portuguese ships prowl about, to discover what the Spaniards are doing, and the infant colony is threatened (July, 1567) with an attack by them.

A petition (probably written in 1566), signed by the Spanish officials in the Philippines, asks for more priests there, more soldiers and muskets ("so that if the natives will not be converted otherwise, they may be compelled to it by force of arms"), rewards for Legazpi, exemptions from taxes for all engaged in the expedition, grants of land, monopoly of trade, etc. A separate petition, by Legazpi, asks the, king for various privileges, dignities, and grants. Still other requests are made (probably in 1568) by hit son Melchor, who claims that Legazpi had spent all his fortune in the service of Spain, without receiving any reward therefor.

Certain documents illustrative of this history of Legazpi's enterprise in 1565 are given in full. An interesting document—first published (in Latin) at Manila in 1901, but never before, we think, in English—is the official warrant of the Augustinian authorities in Mexico establishing the first branch of their order in the Philippines (1564). It was found among the archives of the Augustinian convent at Culhuacan, Mexico; and is communicated to us in an English translation made by Rev. T. C. Middleton, of Villanova College. The other documents are: the act of taking possession of Cibabao (February 15); a proclamation that all gold taken from the burial-places of the natives must be declared to the authorities (May 16); several letters written (May 27 and 29, and June 1) by Legazpi and other officials to the king; a letter (May 28) from the officials to the Audiencia at Mexico, with a list of supplies needed at Cebu. To these is added a specially valuable and interesting document—hitherto unpublished, we believe—Legazpi's own relation of his voyage to the Philippines, and of affairs there up to the departure of the "San Pedro" for New Spain. As might be expected, he relates many things not found, or not clearly expressed, in the accounts given by his subordinates.

Next is presented (in both original text and English translation) a document of especial bibliographical interest—Copia de vna carta venida de Sevilla a Miguel Salvador de Valencia. It is the earliest printed account of Legazpi's expedition, and was published at Barcelona in 1566. But one copy of this pamphlet is supposed to be extant; it is at present owned in Barcelona. It outlines the main achievements of the expedition, but makes extravagant and highly-colored statements regarding the islands and their people.

In a group of letters from Legazpi (July, 1567, and June 26, 1568) mention is made of various interesting matters connected with the early days of the settlement on Cebu Island, and the resources and commerce of the archipelago. He asks again that the king will aid his faithful subjects who have begun a colony there; no assistance has been received since their arrival there, and they are in great need of everything. The Portuguese are jealous of any Spanish control in the Philippines, and already threaten the infant colony. He sends (1568) a considerable amount of cinnamon to Spain, and could send much more if he had goods to trade therefor with the natives. Legazpi advises that small ships be built at the Philippines, with which to prosecute farther explorations and reduce more islands to subjection; and that the mines be opened, and worked by slave-labor.

The Spanish settlement on Cebu was regarded with great jealousy by the Portuguese established in the Moluccas, and they sent an armed expedition (1568) to break it up. As the two nations were at peace, the Portuguese commander and Legazpi did not at once engage in war, but carried on protracted negotiations—a detailed account of which is here presented, from the official notarial records kept by Legazpi's chief notary, and transmitted to the home government. Legazpi claims that he has come to make new discoveries for his king, to propagate the Christian religion, and to ransom Christians held captive by the heathen in these regions; and that he had regarded the Philippines as being within the jurisdiction of Spain. If he has been mistaken, he will depart from the islands at once, if Pereira will provide him with two ships. The latter refuses to accept Legazpi's excuses, and makes vigorous complaints against the encroachments of the Spaniards. Pereira summons all the Spaniards to depart from the islands, promising to transport them to India, and offering them all aid and kindness, if they will accede to this demand; but Legazpi declines these proposals, and adroitly fences with the Portuguese commander. These documents are of great interest, as showing the legal and diplomatic formalities current in international difficulties of this sort.

The Editors



Documents of 1525-1528

Expedition of Garcia de Loaisa 1525-26 Voyage of Alvaro de Saavedra 1527-28

[Resume of contemporaneous documents, 1522-37]



Translated and synopsized by James A. Robertson, from Navarrete's Col. de viages, tomo v, appendix, pp. 193-486.



Expedition of Garcia de Loaisa 1525-26

[These documents are all contained in Navarrete's Col. de viages, tomo v, being part of the appendix of that volume (pp. 193-439). They are here summarized in even briefer form than were the documents concerning the voyage of Magalhaes, indicating sources rather than attempting a full presentation of the subject. Navarrete precedes these documents with an account of Loaisa's voyage covering one hundred and ninety pages—compiled, as was his account of Magalhaes, from early authors and the documents in the appendix.]

A memorandum without date or signature [2] describes to the king the advantages that would arise from establishing the India House of Trade at Corunna rather than at Seville: the harbor of Corunna is more commodious; it is nearer the resorts of trade for the northern nations; much trade now going to Portugal will come to Corunna; larger ships can be used and better cargoes carried; it is nearer to sources of supply, and expeditions can be fitted out better from this place; and it will be impossible for the captains or others to take forbidden merchandise, or to land articles on the return voyage—as they could do at Seville, because of having to navigate on the river. (No. i, pp. 193-195.)

1522. The king and queen, after the return of the "Victoria" issue a document with thirty-three concessions to natives of their kingdom who should advance sums of money, etc., for fitting out expeditions for the spice regions; these privileges are to cover the first five expeditions fitting out. The interests and rights of the sovereigns and of the contributors are clearly defined. These fleets are to trade in the Moluccas, or in any other lands and islands discovered within Castile's demarcation. The House of Trade for the spice regions is to be established at Corunna. (No. ii, pp. 196-207.)

Madrid, April 5, 1525. Fray Garcia Jofre de Loaisa, a commander of the order of St. John, [3] is appointed captain-general of the fleet now fitting out at Corunna for the Moluccas, and governor of those islands. His powers are outlined, being such as were usually given in such expeditions. As annual salary he is to have, during the voyage, "two thousand nine hundred and twenty ducats, which amount to one million, ninety-four thousand five hundred maravedis." He is to have certain privileges of trade, being allowed to carry merchandise. Rodrigo de Acuna is appointed captain of the fourth ship, with a salary of three hundred and seventy-five thousand maravedis. He may invest fifty thousand maravedis in the fleet, such sum being advanced from his salary. The accountant for the fleet, Diego Ortiz de Orue, is instructed to fulfil the duties incident to his office (these are named), and to keep full accounts. Instructions are issued also to the treasurer, Hernando de Bustamante, who is ordered "to obey our captain and the captain of your ship, and try to act in harmony with our officials, and shun all manner of controversy and discord." He must discuss with the captains and officials questions pertaining to his duty, for the better fulfilment thereof. (Nos. iii-vi, pp. 207-218.)

Toledo, May 13, 1525. The crown reserves the right to appoint persons to take the place of any officials dying during the expedition. In case Loaisa should die, his office as governor of the Moluccas is to be filled in the following order: Pedro de Vera, Rodrigo de Acuna, Jorge Manrique, Francisco de Hoces. His office as captain-general falls first to Juan Sebastian del Cano; then to those above named. Further, the chief treasurer, factor, and accountant are next in succession; and after them a captain-general and other officers shall be elected by the remaining captains, treasurers, factors, and accountants. Instructions are given to Diego de Covarrubias as to his duties as factor-general of the Moluccas. He is to exercise great care in all matters connected with trade, selling at as high rates as possible. (Nos. vii, viii, pp. 218-222.)

A relation by Juan de Areizaga [4] gives the leading events of Loaisa's voyage until the Strait of Magellan is passed. The fleet leaves Corunna July 24, 1525, and finishes the passage of the strait May 26, 1526. On the voyage three ships are lost, the "San Gabriel," "Nunciado," and "Santi Spiritus." The "Santiago" puts in "at the coast discovered and colonized by. . . Cortes at the shoulders of New Spain," to reprovision. Loaisa is thus left with only three vessels. (No. ix, pp. 223-225.)

The deposition of Francisco Davila—given (June 4, 1527) under oath before the officials at Corunna, in order to be sent to the king—and several letters by Rodrigo de Acuna, dated June 15, 1527, and April 30, 1528, give the interesting adventures of the ship "San Gabriel" and its captain after its separation from Loaisa's fleet. The vessel after various wanderings in the almost unknown seas near South American coasts, and exciting adventures with French vessels on the coast of Brazil, finally reaches Bayona May 28, 1527, in a wretched condition and very short of provisions. She carried "twenty-seven persons and twenty-two Indians," and is without her proper captain Acuna, who had been left in the hands of the French. Abandoned by the latter on the Brazilian coast, he was rescued by a Portuguese vessel and carried to Pernambuco "a trading agency of the King of Portugal," where he was detained as prisoner for over eighteen months. In his letter to the King of Portugal, Acuna upbraids him for treatment worse than the Moors might user "but," he adds, "what can we expect when even the sons of Portuguese are abandoned here to the fare of the savages? There are more than three hundred Christians, the sons of Christians, abandoned in this land, who would be more certain of being saved in Turkey than here.... There is no justice here. Let your majesty take me from this land, and keep me where I may have the justice I merit." Late in the year 1528, Acuna is ordered to Portugal, as is learned from another document, dated November 2 of that year. Before leaving Pernambuco he desires that a testimony of everything that has happened since his departure from Spain until his arrival at Pernambuco be taken down by the notary-public, this testimony being taken from the men who had come with him, "and the Frenchmen who were present at my undoing, and others who heard it from persons who were in the ships of the French who destroyed me." Acuna desires this in case any accident befall him while on the way to Portugal, and "that the emperor may be informed of the truth, and that I may give account of myself." This testimony is much the same as that contained in the other documents. (Nos. xxiii, pp. 225-241; and no, xv, pp. 313-323.)

June 11, 1528. Hernando de la Torre, captain-general and governor in the Moluccas, sends the king a log of the fleet up to June 1, 1526, followed by the adventures of the flagship, "Sancta Maria de la Victoria," after its separation from the rest of the fleet, with a description of the lands and seas in its course. The log was made by the pilot of the "Victoria," Martin de Uriarte. De la Torre prefaces these accounts with a letter in which he asks for aid, "of which we are in sore need." He says "all the captains of the ships, caravels, and the tender, seven in number; the treasurer, accountants, and officials, both general and private, ... are dead or lost, until now only the treasurer of one of the ships is left" and he [de la Torre] has been elected captain, "not because they found in me any good qualifications for the office, but only a willing spirit." He gives account to the king "of all that has happened, as I am obliged to do, and because of my office it is more fitting for me than any other to do so." Some notable events mentioned in the log are: the entrance into the Santa Cruz River on January 18, 1526; their arrival on the twenty-fourth at the cape of Las Virgines, near which Juan Sebastian del Cano's ship founders in a storm; and the passage of the strait, beginning March 29, by three ships and the tender, the last-named being lost on Easter Day. A detailed description of the strait follows. On September 4, "we saw land, and it was one of the islands of the Ladrones which the other expedition had discovered," where they find a Spaniard who had fled from the ship of the former expedition. On September 10 they depart from this island for the Moluccas. October 8 they land at an island where the friendly advances of the natives are checked by a native from Malacca, who declares that the Castilians would kill all the inhabitants. On the tenth, "the eleven slaves we had seized in the island of the Ladrones fled in the same canoe that we had seized with them." On the twenty-first they anchor at "Terrenate, one of the Malucos, and the most northern of them." November 4, they have news that the Portuguese are fortified in other islands of the archipelago. Negotiations with the Portuguese are detailed at some length. "The islands having cloves are these: Terrenate, Tidori, Motil, Maquian, Bachan." A description of these islands follows, and then the pilot adds, "All these islands of Maluco and those near by are ... mountainous." March 30, 1528 a Castilian vessel anchors at Tidore, one of three sent by Cortes [5] to seek news of Loaisa. The two others had been blown from their course five or six days before reaching the Ladrones. This ship, under command of Captain Saavedra Ceron, had ransomed three men of the caravel "Santa Maria del Parral," one of Loaisa's ships, on an island to the north of Tidore. These men declare that their ship had been captured by the natives, the captain and most of the crew killed, and the remainder made prisoners. The accusation is made that these three men, in company with others, had themselves killed their captain. The document closes with various observations as to recent events, and states various needs of the Spaniards. The governor praises Saavedra, declaring that because of his diligence he is worthy of great rewards. (No. xiv, pp. 241-313.)

Letters and documents follow which give details of the voyage of Loaisa, and events in the Moluccas until the year 1535. From a letter written (May 3, 1529) by Hernando de Bustamante and Diego de Salivas it is learned that Jorge Manrique, captain of the "Santa Maria del Parral," had been killed by his own men; and that sixty-one of those sailing in the fleet died a natural death, nine were drowned when the "Santi Spiritus" was wrecked, nine were killed by the Portuguese, and four were hanged. A writ handed to the king from the Council of the Indies says that German factors denied the report of the death of Loaisa; and it is advised that one or two caravels be sent from New Spain—from Colima, or Guatemala, or Nicaragua—to find out the truth of this report.

A letter from Hernando de la Torre states that "Juan Sebastian del Cano, who was captain of the ship wrecked in the strait," became captain-general at Loaisa's death and "died a few days afterwards;" and that of the one hundred and twenty-three men of the "Victoria," and twenty-five others who came with Saavedra, only twenty-five men were left. In an investigation concerning matters connected with Loaisa's expedition, Juan de Mazuecos declares (September 7, 1534) that Loaisa had died of sickness, four hundred leagues from the Strait of Magellan; and that all who ate at his table had died within the space of forty days. Like depositions concerning this expedition are taken from several others, among them being Fray Andres Urdaneta. A document made up from the above investigations says that Loaisa's death was in the last of July, 1526, and that the Ladrones number in all thirteen islands, "in which there are no flocks, fowls, or animals." (Nos. xvi-xxv, pp. 323-400. These documents are much alike.)

The noted Augustinian Urdaneta [6] wrote an account of this disastrous enterprise, and of subsequent events, covering the years 1525-1535; this relation is the best and most succinct of all the early documents regarding Loaisa's expedition. It bears date, Valladolid, February 26, 1537; and the original is preserved, as are the majority of the Loaisa documents, in the Archivo general de Indias in Seville. Urdaneta, as befits an actor in the events, uses the first person, and gives a very readable and interesting account of the expedition. He describes a Patagonian thus: "He was huge of body, and ugly. He was clad in a zebra skin, and on his head he bore a plume made of ostrich feathers; [7] he carried a bow, and on his feet had fastened some bits of leather." He describes, briefly and graphically, the storms that scattered the ships and caused the foundering of the "Santi Spiritus." Shortly after entering the strait, "a pot of pitch took fire on the commander's ship, and the ship began to burn, and little was lacking that we did not burn in it, but by God's help, and the great care exercised, we put out the fire." "We left the strait in the month of May, five hundred and twenty-six [sic] [8]—the commander's ship, two caravels, and the tender. A few days afterward we had a very great storm, by the violence of which we were separated from one another, and we never saw each other again.... In these adversities died the accountant Tejada and the pilot Rodrigo Bermejo. On the thirtieth of July died the captain-general Fray Garcia de Loaisa, and by a secret provision of his majesty, Juan Sebastian del Cano was sworn in as captain-general ... On the fourth of August ... died Juan Sebastian del Cano, and the nephew of the commander Loaisa, [9] who was accountant-general." When they reached the Ladrones "we found here a Galician ... who was left behind in this island with two companions from the ship of Espinosa; and, the other two dying, he was left alive.... The Indians of these islands go about naked, wearing no garments. They are well built men; they wear their hair long, and their beards full. They possess no iron tools, performing their work with stones. They have no other weapons than spears—some with points hardened with fire, and some having heads made from the shin bones of dead men, and from fish-bones. In these islands we took eleven Indians to work the pump, because of the great number of sick men in the ship." The trouble with the Portuguese in the Moluccas is well narrated. Of the people of Java, Urdaneta says: "The people of this island are very warlike and gluttonous. They possess much bronze artillery, which they themselves cast. They have guns too, as well as lances like ours, and well made." Others of their weapons are named. Further details of negotiations with the Portuguese are narrated, as well as various incidents of Urdaneta's homeward trip in a Portuguese vessel by way of the Cape of Good Hope. He disembarks at Lisbon on June 6, 1636, where certain papers and other articles are taken from him. The relation closes with information regarding various islands, and the advantages of trading in that region. He mentions among the islands some of the Philippines: "Northwest of Maluco lies Bendenao [Mindanao]...in this island there is cinnamon, much gold, and an extensive pearl-fishery. We were informed that two junks come from China every year to this island for the purpose of trade. North of Bendenao is Cebu, and according to the natives it also contains gold, for which the Chinese come to trade each year." (No. xxvi, pp. 401-439.)



Voyage of Alvaro de Saavedra 1527-28

[These documents are printed in the latter part of the appendix to volume v of Navarrete's Col. de viages; and although the voyage of Saavedra is connected so intimately with that of Loaisa, it is thought better to present it separately therefrom, as a whole, inasmuch as this was the first expedition fitted out in the New World for the islands in the far East. It is evident thus early that the vantage point of New Spain's position as regards these islands was clearly recognized. The letter from Cortes to the king of Cebu is given entire, as being somewhat more closely within the scope of this work than are the other documents.]

Granada, June 20, 1526. By a royal decree Cortes is ordered to despatch vessels from New Spain to ascertain what has become of the "Trinidad" [10] and her crew that was left in the Moluccas; to discover news of the expedition of Loaisa, as well as that under command of Sebastian Cabot which had sailed also to the same region. [11] He is advised to provide articles for trade and ransom, and to secure for the expedition the most experienced men whom he can find—it is especially desirable that the pilot should be such. The king has written to Ponce de Leon and other officials to furnish all the help necessary. (No. xxvii, pp. 440-441.)

May, 1527. Following the custom of the king in fitting out expeditions, Cortes issues instructions to the various officers of the fleet. Alvaro de Saavedra, a cousin to Cortes, is appointed to the double office of inspector-general and captain-general of the fleet. Two sets of instructions are given him, in each of which appears the following: "Because as you know you are going to look for the captains Frey Garcia de Loaisa and Sebastian Caboto, and if it is our Lord's will, it might happen that they have no ships; and if they have a supply of spices, you shall observe the following, in order that it may be carried on these ships. You shall note what they give, and to whom it is delivered, and you shall have the said captains and the officials they took with them sign this entry in your book." The first matter is to look for the above-mentioned captains. If they have discovered any new lands he must make careful note of that fact, and of their location and products. He is to go to Cebu to ascertain whether the pilot Serrano [12] and others made captives there are still alive, and, if so, to ransom them. He is to use all diligence in seeking information as to all men of Magalhaes's expedition who were left in those regions. Antonio Guiral is appointed accountant of the fleet; and the same general injunction contained in the other two instructions is also specified in his. Cortes writes in an apologetic vein to those of Cabot's fleet, asking them to inform him fully of events "in order that he may serve his majesty." He writes also to Cabot himself informing him of the purpose of Saavedra's expedition, adding, "because, as his Catholic majesty considers the affairs of that spice region of so much importance, he has a very special care to provide everything necessary for it." He mentions the arrival in New Spain of the tender that had accompanied Loaisa and become separated from him shortly after leaving the strait. [13] He assures Cabot that Saavedra goes simply to look for him and the others and will be subservient to him in all that he may order. A letter is written also to the king of the land or island at which Saavedra should anchor assuring him of only good intentions, and asking friendship and trade. Another letter to the king of Tidore thanks him in the name of the emperor for his good reception of Magalhaes's men who remained in that island. (Nos. xxix-xxxiii, pp. 443-461; No. xxxv, pp. 463, 464.)

Letter from Hernan Cortes to the King of Cebu To you the honored and excellent King of Cebu, in the Maluco region: I, Don Hernando Cortes, Captain-general and governor of this New Spain for the very exalted and most powerful Emperor, Caesar Augustus, King of the Spains, our Lord, send you friendly greeting, as one whom I love and esteem, and to whom I wish every blessing and good because of the good news I have heard concerning yourself and your land, and for the kind reception and treatment that you have given to the Spaniards who have anchored in your country.

You will already have heard, from the account of the Spaniards whom you have in your power—certain people sent to those districts by the great emperor and monarch of the Christians about seven or eight years ago—of his great power, magnificence, and excellency. Therefore, and because you may inform yourself of what you most wish to know, through the captain and people, whom I send now in his powerful name, it is not needful to write at great length. But it is expedient that you should know, that this so powerful prince, desiring to have knowledge of the manner and trade of those districts, sent thither one of his captains named Hernando de Magallanes with five ships. Of these ships but one, owing to the said captain's lack of caution and foresight, returned to his kingdoms; from its people his majesty learned the reason for the destruction and loss of the rest. Now although he was sorely afflicted at all this, he grieved most at having a captain who departed from the royal commands and instructions that he carried, especially in his having stirred up war or discord with you and yours. For his majesty sent him with the single desire to regard you all as his very true friends and servants, and to extend to you every manner of kindness as regards your honor and your persons. For this disobedience the Lord and possessor of all things permitted that he should suffer retribution for his want of reverence, dying as he did in the evil pretension which he attempted to sustain, contrary to his prince's will. And God did him not a little good in allowing him to die as he did there; for had he returned alive, the pay for his negligence had not been so light. And, in order that you and all the other kings and seigniors of those districts might have knowledge of his majesty's wishes, and know how greatly he has grieved over this captain's conduct, some two years ago he sent two other captains with people to those districts to give you satisfaction for it. And he gave orders to me—who, in his powerful name, reside in these his lands, which lie very near yours—that I too despatch other messengers for this purpose, in order that he might have greater assurance, and that you might hold more certain his embassy, ordering and charging me especially that I do it with much diligence and brevity. Therefore I am sending three ships with crews, who will give the very full and true reason of all this; and you may be able to receive satisfaction, and regard as more certain all that I shall say to you, for I thus affirm and certify it in the name of this great and powerful lord. And since we are so near neighbors, and can communicate with each other in a few days, I shall be much honored, if you will inform me of all the things of which you wish to be advised, for I know all this will be greatly to his majesty's service. And over and above his good will, I shall be most gratified thereat and shall write you my thanks; and the emperor our lord will be much pleased if you will deliver to this captain any of the Spaniards who are still alive in your prison. If you wish a ransom for it, he shall give it you at your pleasure and to your satisfaction; and in addition you will receive favors from his majesty, and reciprocal favors from me, since, if you wish it so, we shall have for many days much intercourse and friendship together. May twenty-eight, one thousand five hundred and twenty-seven.

Hernando Cortes.

(No. xxxiv, pp. 461-462.)

A relation of the voyage was written by Saavedra and set down in the book of the secretary of the fleet. The two ships and one brig set sail in October, 1527, from the port of "Zaguatenejo, which is in New Spain, in the province of Zacatala," on the western coast. When out but a short distance his surgeon dies and is buried at sea. Soon after this one of the ships begins to take water, and so rapidly that it is necessary to bring men from the other vessels to keep her afloat. On December 29 the Ladrones are sighted; and soon afterward they anchor at an island (not of this group), whose inhabitants show previous contact with Castilians by crying as a signal "Castilla, Castilla!" He relates the finding of one of the three men at the island of Vizaya. This man relates that after a year's captivity his master had taken him to Cebu, where he learned from the natives that they had sold to the Chinese the eight companions of Magalhaes who were left on that island. The natives of Cebu "are idolaters, who at certain times sacrifice human beings to their god, whom they call Amito, and offer him to eat and to drink. They dwell near the coast and they often voyage upon the sea in their canoes, going to many islands for plunder and trade. They are like the Arabs, changing their towns from one place to another. There are many fine hogs in this island, and it has gold. They say that people from China come hither, and that they trade among these islands." Another relation of this voyage was presented by Vicente de Napoles in 1634, in an investigation at Madrid. Early in the voyage the ships become separated, and Saavedra's vessel never again sees its companions. [14] He tells of seeing "an island which is called Mondana, and which the Portuguese call Mindanao." The finding of the three Castilians is narrated, also the meeting with the survivors of Loaisa's expedition; their negotiations with the Portuguese; and their final return to Europe in a Portuguese vessel are recounted. [15] (No. xxxvii, pp. 476-486.)



Expedition of Ruy Lopez de Villalobos—1541-46

[Resume of contemporaneous documents, 1541-48.]

Translated and synopsized, by James A. Robertson, from Col. doc. ined., as follows: Ultramar, ii, part i, pp. 1-94; Amer. y Oceania, pp. 117-209, and xiv, pp. 151-165.



The Expedition of Ruy Lopez de Villalobos—1541-46

[The expedition of Villalobos, [16] although productive of slight immediate result, paved the way for the later and permanent expedition and occupation by Legazpi. For this reason—and, still more, because this was the first expedition to the Western Islands (in contradistinction from the Moluccas), which included the Philippine group, and because these latter islands received from Villalobos the name by which history was to know them,—these documents, which for lack of space cannot be here fully presented, deserve a fuller synopsis than do those pertaining to the preceding expeditions of Magalhaes, Loaisa, and Saavedra. The documents thus abstracted are to be found in Col. doc. ined. Ultramar, ii, part 1, pp. 1-94; and in Col. doc. ined. Amer. y Oceania, v, pp. 117-209, xiv, pp. 151-165.]

Jalisco, March 28, 1541. The adelantado of Guatemala, Pedro de Alvarado, [17] writes the king, Felipe II, regarding his contract with the viceroy of New Spain, Antonio de Mendoza [18] for expeditions of discovery along the coast and among the Western Islands. Alvarado with eleven vessels has called at one of the ports of New Spain, "to excuse the differences and scandals that were expected between Don Antonio de Mendoza ... and myself, in regard to the said discovery, because of his having sent Francisco Vasquez to the said provinces [of the West] with a fleet." They have agreed to make their discoveries, both by land and sea, in partnership "in the limits and demarcation, contained in the agreement that was made with me, considering it as certain that, because of the many ships and people, and the great supply of provisions at our command, we shall know and discover everything that is to be seen in those regions, and bring it to the knowledge of God our Lord, and to the dominion of your majesty." It is determined to divide the fleet into two parts, "one to go to the Western Islands, which should make a hurried trip among them, noting their products; and the other should coast along Tierra-firme." Three large ships and a galley, with a crew of three hundred skilled men under command of Ruy Lopez de Villalobos, "a man of great experience in matters of the sea," are destined for the voyage to the Western Islands. This fleet is to set out within three months to prosecute its discovery, "for all this time has been and is necessary to repair the vessels." Alvarado tells the king "that all this has been at great labor and expense; and not only our own possessions, but those of many of our friends are risked in it—and I especially ... as I came from those kingdoms impoverished and in debt to so great an extent, have remained in so great necessity that, if your majesty do not help me with some gift and gratification, as has ever been your custom toward those who serve you, I can not maintain myself." By the agreement made with the king, no covenant for explorations and discovery was to be made with any other person for seven years. Alvarado has heard that "the Marquis del Valle [19] persists in begging ... this conquest, and wishes to despatch people to undertake it," and the king is asked to grant no license for this. The adelantado had determined to go upon this expedition in person, but has been dissuaded from it by his friends. Antonio de Almaguer has been received as an official of the fleet in place of the previous appointee, who is dead, by virtue of a royal decree permitting Almaguer's appointment to any office that he might desire, in case of the death or absence of the previous appointee. The latter had given the necessary pledges which have been sent to the India House of Trade at Seville. The king is asked to confirm this appointment. (No. i, pp. 1-7.)

Talavera, July 26, 1541. The contract made by the king with Alvarado in 1538 and 1539, and with Mendoza in 1541, provided for the discovery, conquest, and colonization of the islands and provinces of the southern sea toward the west. Alvarado had offered to undertake this expedition within fifteen months after arriving in Guatemala, sending westward two galleons and one ship, sufficiently provisioned for two years, with full crew and equipment, and the necessary artillery; and other vessels for discovery about the American coasts. If lands and islands shall be discovered, he promises to send thither, for their colonization, "ten additional ships, eight hundred soldiers, and three hundred of them cavalry, should the nature of the land be such that horsemen are necessary for it." He is also to send "ecclesiastics and religious for the instruction and Christian training of the natives of those regions." All this is to be at Alvarado's expense, without the king being obliged to recompense him for any outlay, except by the privileges granted him. "Likewise you offer, that after the discovery ... you shall keep masters, carpenters, and other workmen, as many as thirty, in a shipyard that you own in the said province of Guatemala, in order that what shall have been discovered, may be aided and preserved more easily." Also he is to employ as many men as may be necessary in building vessels for the space of ten years. He is to be governor of Guatemala for seven years, "and as many more as we choose; unless, the residencia being taken from you now at our order by ... our auditor of the royal Audiencia and chancellery of New Spain should show crimes for which you should be deprived of your trust although you shall be obliged to render an account whenever I order it" Four per cent of all profits of the fifth part of "all gold, silver, precious stones, pearls, drugs, spices, and of all other metals and things found and produced in the said lands, and of which the rights pertain to us," and four per cent of all tributes, are assigned forever to Alvarado (provided that such sum does not exceed six thousand ducats each year), and are divided in due ratio between the provinces discovered. This is clear of all rights or taxes. In answer to Alvarado's request for a tenth of all lands and vassals discovered,—selected as he may see fit, and accompanied by the title of duke, with the dominion and jurisdiction of the grandees of Castile,—the king grants him four per cent pro rata in each part, and the title of count, "with the dominion and jurisdiction that we shall decree, at the time when we shall order the said title bestowed. This shall be granted after the said discovery, and after you shall have signified what part you have selected, provided that we shall not have to give you your said part from the best or the worst of the said islands and provinces, or the chief city of a province, or a seaport." Other privileges are: the life-title of governor and captain-general of all places discovered, with an annual salary of three thousand ducats, plus one thousand ducats over and above this sum, to be paid from the incomes and profits accruing to the king from these discoveries, but these shall not be paid unless the incomes and profits reach that figure; his heir shall be governor of two hundred leagues of land, with the same salary and gratification, and under the same condition Stone forts may be built, at his own expense, in such places as he may select, which he and two generations of his heirs shall hold, with an annual salary and gratification of one hundred and fifty thousand maravedis for each one of the forts, to be paid under the same conditions as the foregoing. He shall have the perpetual office of high constable in all lands discovered and conquered. No similar agreement shall be made with others for seven years, if he fulfil his promises. Provision will be made later as to the natives of the lands discovered. Men and goods may pass freely from Puerto de Caballos (conquered by Alvarado) to Guatemala, and orders are to be given by the king that the governor of Honduras shall place no obstacles in the way of such passage; and meanwhile Alvarado's claims to the above port are to be investigated. The governor of Honduras will be required to furnish Indians as porters, for whose services the current price must be paid, as well as for all carts and other equipment used, but as much as possible must be carried by waterways. One hundred and fifty negro slaves may be taken from "these our kingdoms, or from the kingdom of Portugal for the said fleet or for the preparation of the said fleet, free of all taxes;" but the adelantado must send an account to Spain, signed by the officials of Guatemala, that such disposition of them has been made; if not so employed, then the sum of six thousand maravedis is to be paid for the rights of each slave. More slaves may be taken after the discoveries have been made. The governors of all ports, etc., are to be commanded to accord good treatment to the fleet, should it anchor at their respective ports. For ten years all goods taken to the newly-discovered lands shall be free from all taxes. For the same length of time the colonists shall not pay the tenth to the king, but after the tenth year, they shall pay one-ninth, and so on each year until they shall pay one-fifth; but for trade and booty the fifth shall be paid from the beginning. There is to be no duty on goods taken "from these our kingdoms to the said province of Guatemala for the preparation of the said fleet" for the first voyage. All personal property that Alvarado takes to the islands or provinces discovered is to be during his life free from duty, provided it shall not exceed in any year the sum of three thousand ducats. Those going on the expedition who take horses, may take two Indian slaves apiece. Land is to be assigned to the colonists, of which they are to have perpetual ownership after a four years' residence. [20] Encomiendas of the Indians may be assigned "for such time as you wish, under the instructions and ordinances given you." The treaties with the Portuguese crown in regard to the demarcation and the Moluccas must be strictly obeyed. [21] The agreement with Mendoza, viceroy of New Spain, that he shall have a one-third interest in the fleet is confirmed. No excise duty is to be levied "for ten years, and until we order to the contrary." A hospital is provided for by one hundred thousand maravedis taken from fines. The hospital also is to receive the rights of escobilla [22] and the sweepings in the founding of metals. Lawyers and attorneys are prohibited from engaging in their callings in the lands and islands discovered. The royal officials appointed by the king are to be taken in the fleet, as well as ecclesiastics "for the instruction of the natives of the said islands and provinces to our holy Catholic faith." For the latter, Alvarado is to pay the "freight, provisions, and other necessary supplies fitting to their persons, all at your own cost." Ransoms for captured native princes or seigniors pertain to the king, but, on account of the labors and expenses of the undertaking, one-sixth shall be given to the king and the remainder shall be distributed among the conquerors, first subtracting the king's fifth; but of the booty falling into the hands of the conquerors after the death of a prince or chief killed in battle, or obtained by justice or otherwise, one-half shall be the king's, and shall be delivered to his officials, first withdrawing his fifth. In case of doubt regarding the collection of the king's rights in any treasure, "especially of gold, silver, precious stones, and pearls, and that found in graves or other places where it shall have been hidden," and in other goods, the following order is to be observed: one-fifth of everything taken in battle, or taken from villages, or for ransoms shall be paid the king; he shall receive one-half of all treasure found in graves or places of worship, or buried, and the person finding the treasure shall have the other half; but any person not announcing his find shall lose "all the gold, silver, precious stones, and pearls, and in addition one-half of his other possessions." The strict observance of the contract is ordered. This contract was first made in 1638; in 1639, a section was inserted confirming the partnership of Alvarado and Mendoza, in which the latter was to receive one-third of all profit; in 1541, in accordance with the new agreement between the two men, a clause was added to this contract, giving equal rights to each. (No. ii, pp. 7-26.)

Mexico, September, 1542. On the fifteenth of this month Mendoza commissions Gonzalo Davalos as his treasurer on the expedition, Guido de La Bezaris [23] as his accountant, and Martin de Islares as his factor. The treasurer is to receive an annual salary of seventy-five thousand maravedis, "to be paid from the profits that shall pertain to me in those lands, it being understood that if this amount is not reached, I am not obliged to pay it from any other source." The usual duties of treasurer are to be observed by him. On the eighteenth of the month very full instructions are given to Villalobos by Mendoza. The principal injunctions of these instructions follow: he will report at Puerto de la Navidad, where the vessels for the expedition have been prepared; these will be delivered to him by Mendoza's agent, who shall make a full declaration of everything in the equipment of the vessels "except the merchandise and articles of barter, the slaves, the forge ... because they must be under the charge of the treasurer and officials whom I am sending in the fleet for that purpose; and other things I specify in their instructions, and in those of Juan de Villareal [his agent] in regard to it." He shall sign this declaration in the records of the notary and in the books of the accountant and treasurer. All the "artillery, ammunition, war supplies, and weapons, shall be given into the charge of the captain of artillery, and all the vessels of the fleet into the charge of the commander of the fleet, together with all their equipment, tackle and rigging, and provisions." In each ship, a pilot, master, boatswain, and notary shall be appointed. Each ship shall be put in charge of its master, and the notary for that ship shall take full notes of everything transferred to the former's keeping. The master shall also have care of the artillery of his vessel, such charge being imposed by the captain of artillery. For greater security the merchandise and articles for traffic, and the officials having them in charge, are to be apportioned among the vessels. An account must be taken in each vessel of its captain and crew (both sailors and soldiers), giving for each man his father's name and his place of birth. Villalobos is to have special watch over the treasurer, accountant, and factor. The men of the ships are to be divided into watches, no one being excused "except for legitimate cause." "And when you are ready to sail, you shall make full homage, . . . according to Spanish custom, that you will exercise well and faithfully the said office of lieutenant-governor and captain-general, . . . and that you will deliver to me, and to no one else, the discoveries and profits pertaining to me, according as his majesty orders in his royal provision, and that neither directly nor indirectly will you exercise any deceit or wrong in anything." The officers and all others shall take oath to obey him as captain-general, "and that there will be no mutinies or rebellions." The officials appointed by the king to guard his interests are to be received, and the best of treatment shall be accorded them. When a settlement has been made one or two vessels shall be sent back, sufficiently equipped, with news of such settlement, and of all he has accomplished. "Likewise you shall send me specimens of all the products of the land that you can secure, ... of the manner of dressing [of the inhabitants], and their mode of life, what is their religion or sect, the character of their life and government, their method of warfare with their neighbors; and if they have received you peaceably, if you have made a treaty of peace with them, or your status among them." The spread of religion is to be sought especially. To this end "you shall try to ensure that those in your charge live as good Catholics and Christians, that the names of our Lord and his most blessed Mother, as well as those of his saints, be revered and adored, and not blasphemed; and you shall see to it strictly that blasphemies and public sins be punished." All letters sent in the ships returning must be assured safe delivery. Mendoza is to be first informed of all news brought by the ships. In these ships shall be sent also both Mendoza's and the king's profits, as well as those of the individuals of the fleet, provided the latter shall not prevent the sending of either his or the king's. In affairs of moment Villalobos must consult freely with many people of the fleet, among whom are named "father prior Fray Geronimo, Fray [blank in manuscript], [24] who was prior of Totonilco, Jorge Nieto, the inspector Arevalo, Gaspar Xuarez Davila, Francisco Merino, Matias de Alvarado, Bernardo de la Torre, and Estrada." If Villalobos should determine to return with all the fleet, those wishing to remain shall do so, and he shall leave them a captain and sufficient stores. Persons are to be appointed to look after the property and belongings of the dead, and to see that no fraud is exercised, in order that his heirs may be secured. Entry must be made, in the method in vogue in Spain, of all things sent back in the ships. All settlements must be made on the shore, and a fort must be erected at some distance from the natives' habitations, in which the articles for trade must be securely stowed. No soldier shall be permitted, without leave, and under severe penalties "to go to the Indian settlements or enter their houses ... and no one shall take anything by force, in the camp or in the town, contrary to the will of the Indians where you shall have made peace." Men are to be appointed who shall attend to the buying of all provisions, "because not having knowledge of the products of the land, [your men] would buy more in accordance with appetite than with reason, where-from much damage would ensue, because the products of the land would be placed at a higher figure, and the value of the articles for barter ... would be lowered;" the prices for trafficking shall be assigned to these buyers and they must not go over them, but try to buy at a lower figure. The trafficking of the merchandise shall be also in charge of experienced persons. "You shall advise your men that, whenever they speak of the emperor, Our Lord, among the natives, they shall speak of his greatness, and how he is the greatest Lord of the earth, and that they have been sent by one of his captains of these regions." (Nos. ii, iii, pp. 7-46.)

Puerto de Navidad, October 22, 1542. Villalobos certifies before a notary that he has received from Juan de Villareal, Mendoza's agent, "four ships, one small galley, and one fusta, [25] to wit: the admiral's ship, named 'Santiago;' the 'San Jorge,' 'San Antonio,' and 'San Juan de Letran;' the galley 'San Christoval,' and the fusta 'San Martin'—with all equipment, ammunition, artillery, weapons, provisions, etc.,... in the name of his lordship [Mendoza] ... in order to go with the said vessels and with the soldiers of his most illustrious lordship, upon the pursuit and prosecution of the said voyage." He promises in full terms to carry out to the letter all instructions and to give true and complete accounts of everything to Mendoza or his agents. This oath is attested in the form prescribed by the royal notary-public. This same day the oath of obedience is taken by the captains and soldiers, and the pilots and seamen. The oath taken by the captains is, in part, as follows: "Your graces, captains Bernaldo de la Torre, Don Alonso Manrrique, Francisco Merino, Mathias de Alvarado, Pero Ortiz de Rueda, Christoval de Pareja, and gentlemen of this fleet, of which Rui Lopez de Villalobos goes as general for his most illustrious lordship, swear before God, Our Lord, and blessed Mary his Mother, on the holy words written in this book of the holy gospels, and on this sign of the cross [on which each one of them placed his right hand] that, as good, faithful, and Catholic Christians, you promise and pledge your faith and word, and homage as knights and nobles, by right, of Spain, once, twice, and thrice, to be faithful and obedient, and to hold as your captain-general Rui Lopez de Villalobos, here present; and you will observe the instructions he has given you, in so far as the good of the business requires it; and you will be obedient and will hearken to his orders. And you shall declare and advise, each one of you, what you deem suitable and necessary for the good of this expedition, whether he asks it or not, although you think he may be vexed or angry at hearing what you wish to tell him; only you shall state the fundamental reason why your assertion is good, in everything making it a point of your desire to come directly to the question, and not to give your advice with passion, or servilely, but with all freedom." If he send them on missions they must report to him alone. "And none of you shall rouse up mutinies, scandals, seditions, or conspiracies; nor shall you talk against your captain-general or the expedition; rather if you learn or foresee anything of such matters, you shall tell and inform your general thereof, so that it may be remedied." The soldiers swear to be obedient to the commands of Villalobos and his captains, and to follow the general's banners, day or night, holding him as chief; they must be loyal and true in every sense of the word, both on sea and land. The pilots (who are named) and the seamen also take like oath to fulfil their duties completely, acknowledging Villalobos as general. They are to obey the latter "both now on the said voyage, and in the Western Islands." They must try to accomplish the voyage in the shortest time possible, and must take part in no mutinies or uprisings. In his instructions to his captains Villalobos requires the following: No soldier is to be admitted to the fleet who does not bear a certificate of confession and communion. If there be any such, he must confess within three days to the religious in the fleet, or be put on short rations of water until he does confess. Severe punishment for blasphemy of "the name of God, our Lord, his glorious Mother, or of any of the saints" is stipulated, varying in degree according to the blasphemy. The religious are to receive every consideration, that the natives may see "how we honor the ministers of the Gospel." All weapons are to be kept in a special place in each ship and given to the men only when necessary, and they shall be regularly inspected. Most stringent rules are laid down as to the distribution of water, and the water butts must be inspected each day by the "steward, master, pilot, or boatswain," and every four days by the captain in person, to see that the regulations pertaining thereto are strictly observed. Likewise the amounts of food to be given are carefully stipulated, the amounts, as in the case of the water, being different for soldiers, sailors, negroes, and Indians. Fire is guarded against by ordering all fires, except the lantern, out at four in the afternoon, unless to cook something for a sick man, and then that fire shall be immediately extinguished. Watches are to be maintained day and night. Those caught sleeping at their posts are to be severely punished. If the culprit be an individual who holds an office, for the first offense he shall lose his office; for the second he shall be thrown overboard. A soldier (not of gentle birth) for the first offense shall be made to pass under the keel three times; and for the second be thrown overboard. The captain must stand one watch each night. Each captain shall have a body-guard of six men. All fire must be kept away from the powder. At the least appearance of mutiny immediate measures are to be taken; if it is not possible to inform Villalobos, then the captain is empowered to execute summary justice. The captain is to keep a compass in his room, which he shall constantly consult, and must keep close watch on the course. In case one vessel be separated from the fleet and reach any land, the captain must see that the natives are well treated. The men "shall not enter their houses, towns, or temples, or talk to the women; nor shall they take anything to eat, or any other articles, before you appoint a man who understands trading, and he shall buy for all what they may need. And you shall try to find out the products of the land, and to procure specimens thereof, and ascertain the character of the people and the land; so that, when we meet you there, you may advise me of everything, and his most illustrious lordship may have knowledge of it all." The captain must under no consideration disembark at this land himself, but must send a trustworthy agent with armed men to arrange peace and friendship with the natives. They must return two hours before nightfall. If peace be made, then a trader will be appointed. They are to be careful that "God our Lord be not offended because of the Indians you take with you; and they must examine the instructions of the pilots and see that the latter abide by these instructions." (Nos. v-viii, pp. 46-65.)

1543. An extensive correspondence ensues between Villalobos and Jorge de Castro, after the fleet, had reached the Philippines, [26] in which the latter, especially in his letters of July 20 and September 2, requests the former to leave the lands falling within the demarcation of the Portuguese monarch; and to cease his depredations among the natives. Villalobos replies to these letters under dates of August 9 and September 12 respectively, justifying his expedition, and his conduct toward the natives, and stating that the requirements given him are to respect the Portuguese demarcation, which he has done. (No. ix, pp. 66-94.)

Cochin, in Portuguese India, February 22, 1547. Fray Geronimo de Santisteban writes to the viceroy of New Spain an account of the expedition of Villalobos. He names and describes very briefly the islands in their course; at one of these they cast anchor, and he gives a description of its people and resources. "February 29 we saw the islands of Bindanao [Mindanao], San Juan, and San Antonio." [27] One of the vessels had been badly damaged in a storm before reaching the island named Matalotes. At Mazaua Bay they began first to experience famine and sickness. As food was refused them on the island of Sarrangan, and their men attacked, they determined to take it by force. The island was soon gained, and "Rui-Lopez labored with that people with entreaties and gifts to make friendship, and to induce them to return to their houses, but in vain." Then began the hunt for food in various places, but much opposition from the natives was encountered. Santisteban says "If I should try to write, to your lordship in detail of the hunger, need, hardships, disease, and the deaths that we suffered in Sarragan, I would fill a book ... In that island we found a little rice and sago, a few hens and hogs, and three deer. This was eaten in a few days, together with what remained of the ship food. A number of cocoa-palms were discovered; and because hunger cannot suffer delay, the buds which are the shoots of the palms were eaten. There were some figs and other fruits. Finally we ate all the dogs, cats, and rats we could find, besides horrid grubs and unknown plants, which all together caused the deaths, and much of the prevalent disease. And especially they ate large numbers of a certain large variety of gray lizard, which emits considerable glow; very few who ate them are living. Land crabs also were eaten which caused some to go mad for a day after partaking of them, especially if they had eaten the vitals. At the end of seven months, the hunger that had caused us to go to Sarragan withdrew us thence." The booty of the island was but little, for the natives had carried away and hidden the greater part of their possessions. The vessel of Villalobos and two small brigs put out from this place of famine to go to the upper islands, the other vessels having been sent on ahead on various commissions. After sailing for forty leagues, the large vessel was unable to advance farther, and put in at a bay called Sacayan [Cagayan], to await good weather, while the two small vessels went on ahead [because according to Alvarado they could navigate nearer the shore] in search of food. Troubles from the natives still pursued these smaller vessels. At one part of Mindanao they tried to secure food. Fourteen of the crew were left ashore, ten of whom were killed. The two brigs anchored at Mindanao, remaining there for more than fifty days, awaiting the arrival of the ship and galley. From this place they went to Tandaya, [28] where they were well received by the natives. Here the sick men were left, while the others went in search of the rest of their men, but failed to find them where they had been left. A letter was found which directed the searchers to the "islands of Talao, which are forty leagues south of Maluco." Returning to Tandaya, it was found that the men left there had been taken off by the "Sant Juan." Here Santisteban and his party remained for two months, until the king of Tidore sent in quest of Villalobos. A description of these people follows. Finally Villalobos, forced to do so by hunger, cast anchor in Portuguese possessions. Negotiations with the Portuguese followed. The "Sant Juan" was despatched to New Spain May 16, 1545, but it was unable to make the journey and returned within five months. Finally the remnants of the expedition were taken in Portuguese vessels to Ambon [Amboina], where Villalobos died; and thence to Malacca, where only one hundred and seventeen of the three hundred and seventy who left New Spain arrived, thirty remaining in Maluco. Santisteban justifies Villalobos, saying "Your lordship will bear in mind your promise to Ruy Lopez ... to be a father to his children. In the judgment of certain men, Ruy Lopez performed no services for your lordship, for which his children deserve recompense. I know most certainly that, in the judgment of God and of those who regard his works without passion, he did everything possible for the service of your lordship, and that he grieved more over not having fulfilled exactly your lordship's design than over all the other losses, sorrows, and persecutions that he endured." (Col. doc. ined. Amer. y Oceania, tomo xiv, pp. 151-165.)

Garcia Descalante Alvarado, who accompanied Villalobos, left an account of the expedition, dated Lisbon, August 7, 1548, and addressed to the viceroy of New Spain; it deals more fully with the later adventures of the expedition. A brief synopsis follows. The fleet left the port of Joan Gallego [Navidad] on All Saints' Day, 1542. They passed, at a distance of one hundred and eighty leagues, two uninhabited islands which they named Santo Thomas [San Alberto] [29] and Anublada, or "Cloud Island" [Isla del Socorro]; and eighty leagues farther another island, Roca Partida or "Divided Rock" [Santa Rosa]. After sailing for sixty-two days they came to a "lowlying, densely-wooded archipelago," which they named the Coral Archipelago, anchoring at one of the islands, Santisteban [San Estevan]. The next islands they named Los Jardines, or "The Gardens," from their luxuriant foliage. January 23, 1543, they passed a small island, whose inhabitants hailed them in good Castilian, saying "Buenos dias, matalotes" [30] [meaning to say "Good morning, sailors"], for which the island was named Matalotes. The next island passed they named Arrecifes or Reefs, the significance of which is apparent. February 2, they anchored in a beautiful bay which they called Malaga [Baganga] and the island Cesarea Karoli [Mindanao], "which the pilots, who afterwards sailed around it, declared to have a circuit of three hundred and fifty leagues." After a month's residence on the island, they left in search of the island of Mazagua, but contrary weather forced them to anchor at an island named Sarrangar and by them called Antonio, [31] where they had trouble with the natives, who were attacked by the Castilians under command of Alvarado. The people defended themselves valiantly with "small stones, poles, arrows, and mangrove cudgels as large around as the arm, the ends sharpened and hardened in the fire," but were finally vanquished; they abandoned this island afterwards and went to Mindanao. "Upon capturing this island we found a quantity of porcelain, and some bells which are different from ours, and which they esteem highly in their festivities," besides "perfumes of musk, amber, civet, officinal storax, and aromatic and resinous perfumes. With these they are well supplied, and are accustomed to their use; and they buy these perfumes from Chinese who come to Mindanao and the Philipinas." They found a very small quantity of gold. The booty was divided among the company, during which a controversy arose as the soldiers objected to both Villalobos and the viceroy of New Spain having separate shares therein, claiming that it was sufficient to pay the former the seventh which he asked, with the choice of one jewel. After this was settled, the general ordered maize to be planted "which was done twice, but it did not come up. This irritated them all, and they said they did not come to plant, but to make conquests." To their complaints, and requests to change their location, Villalobos replied "that he came for the sole purpose of discovering the course of the voyage, and of making a settlement." "The offensive arms of the inhabitants of these islands are cutlasses and daggers; lances, javelins, and other missile weapons; bows and arrows, and culverins. They all, as a rule, possess poisonous herbs, and use them and other poisons in their wars. Their defensive arms are cotton corselets reaching to the feet and with sleeves; corselets made of wood and buffalo horn; and cuirasses made of bamboo and hard wood, which entirely cover them. Armor for the head is made of dogfish-skin, which is very tough. In some islands they have small pieces of artillery and a few arquebuses. They are universally treacherous, and do not keep faith, or know how to keep it. They observe the peace and friendship they have contracted only so long as they are not prepared to do anything else; and as soon as they are prepared to commit any act of knavery, they do not hesitate because of any peace and friendship that they have made. Those who carry on trade with them, must hold themselves very cautiously. Certain Spaniards who trusted in them were killed treacherously, under pretense of friendship." The Castilians endured much hunger on this island of Sarrangar, and a number of them died. A ship was despatched to Mindanao to make peace, and to arrange terms of trade, and for food, and was received with apparent friendliness. A boat with six men was sent ashore, but was attacked by the natives; one man was killed and the others badly wounded. Failing to obtain food here, Villalobos set out with twenty-five men for the island of Santguin [Sanguir]. They anchored midway at a small island where "the natives had fortified themselves on a rock ... in the sea, with an entrance on only one side; this was strongly fortified with two defenses, and its summit was enclosed by very large and numerous trees. The approach was from the water side. The houses within were raised up high on posts, and the sea quite surrounded the rock." The people refusing to give provisions, "we fought with them, the combat lasting four hours. Finally we carried the place, and as they would not surrender, they were all killed, with the exception of some women and children." One Spaniard was killed and a number wounded; and, after all but little food was found. On his return to Sarrangan, Villalobos despatched his smallest ship to New Spain to solicit aid, on August 4, 1543. Another vessel started on the same day to "some islands ... which we call Felipinas, after our fortunate prince, which were said to be well supplied with provisions," for the purpose of securing food. Three days after this the troubles with the Portuguese began, with the arrival of the deputy sent by Jorge de Castro. Meanwhile the numbers of the Spaniards and the Indian slaves brought from New Spain were being decimated through the famine they experienced. Expeditions were sent out to gather food, but resulted disastrously. The Portuguese intrigued with the natives not to sell provisions to the Castilians, and to do them all the harm possible. On the arrival of the ship sent to the Philippines for food, it was determined "to go to the Felipinas, to a province called Buio," [32] a salubrious land, "and abounding in food." Further misfortunes met them through stormy weather and the hostility of the natives, who treacherously killed eleven of the Spaniards in one vessel sent ahead to procure provisions. Further trouble with the Portuguese followed at the island of Gilolo, the king of which was hostile to the Portuguese. In these straits, Villalobos determined to appeal to the king of Tidore for aid and supplies, as he was formerly friendly to the Spanish; but his hopes were disappointed. Then he sent to Terrenate, at the instance of the king of Gilolo, to demand from the Portuguese the Castilian artillery in that island. [33] Finally treaties were made between the two kings and the Castilians. Alvarado was sent (May 28, 1544) to the Philippines to conduct back certain of the boats that had been sent thither when the expedition left the island of Sarrangan. At Mindanao, he was told of three provinces; "the first is Mindanao, and it has gold mines, and cinnamon; the second is Butuan, which has the richest mines of the whole island; and the third Bisaya, [34] likewise possessing gold mines and cinnamon. Throughout this island are found gold mines, ginger, wax, and honey." At the bay of Resurrection on this island he found a letter left previously by Villalobos and two others,—one by Fray Geronimo de Santisteban dated in April, saying that he with eight or ten men was going in search of the general in one of the small vessels; that fifteen men had been killed by the natives, and that twenty-one remained at "Tandaya in the Felipinas, at peace with the Indians;" that one of the small vessels had been shipwrecked and ten men drowned at the river of Tandaya; and other news. The other letter was from the captain of the ship sent to New Spain, saying that he had set out too late to return to New Spain, and had taken the twenty-one men from Tandaya, and was going now in search of Villalobos. Alvarado coasted among many of the islands meeting with various adventures. He heard that in the "island of Zubu, there were Castilians living, since the time of Magallanes, and that the Chinese were wont to go thither to buy gold and certain precious stones." He returned on October 17 to Tidore where he found Villalobos and the other Castilians. A detailed account of the adventures of one of the two small vessels sent to the Philippines follows. Reunited at Tidore, the Spaniards began to repair the ship in order to return to New Spain. Meantime Jorge de Castro was superseded by Jordan de Fretes, and a truce was arranged between the two nationalities. A ship left Tidore May 16, 1545, for New Spain, but it was unable to get beyond range of the islands, and returned to Tidore October 3 of the same year. The Spaniards began to desert to the Portuguese, arousing the suspicions of the king of Tidore. The negotiations with the Portuguese and the discord among the Castilians are minutely detailed. On February 18, 1546, those wishing to do so embarked in the Portuguese fleet, arriving at Ambon, where a number of them died, including Villalobos. They left here on May 17, going by way of Java to India. A list of the surviving members of the expedition concludes the relation. (Doc. ined. Amer. y Oceania, tomo v, pp. 117-209.)



Expedition of Miguel Lopez de Legazpi—1564-68

[Resume of contemporaneous documents, 1559-68.]

Illustrative Documents—

Warrant of the Augustinian authorities in Mexico establishing the first branch of their brotherhood in the Philippines; 1564. Act of taking possession of Cibabao; February 15, 1565. Proclamation ordering the declaration of gold taken from the burial-places of the Indians; May 16, 1565. Letters to Felipe II of Spain; May 27 and 29, and June 1, 1565. Letter to the royal Audiencia at Mexico; May 28, 1565 Legazpi's relation of the voyage to the Philippines; 1565. [35]Copia de vna carta venida de Seuilla a Miguel Saluador de Valencia; 1566. Letters to Felipe II of Spain; July, 1567, and June 26, 1568. Negotiations between Legazpi and Pereira regarding the Spanish settlement at Cebu. Fernando Riquel; 1568-69.



Sources: See Bibliographical Data at end of this volume.

Translations: The resume of documents, 1559-69, is translated and arranged, by James A. Robertson, from Col. doc. ined. Ultramar, tomo ii, pp. 94-475, and tomo iii, pp. v-225, 244-370, 427-463. Of the illustrative documents, the first is translated by Reverend Thomas Cooke Middleton; the second and eighth by Arthur B. Myrick; the third and fourth by James A. Robertson; the fifth, sixth, and seventh by Alfonso de Salvio.



Resume of Contemporaneous Documents, 1559-68.

[The following synopsis is made from documents published in Col. doc. ined. Ultramar, tomos ii and iii, entitled De las Islas Filipinas. Concerning these documents the following interesting statements are taken from the editorial matter in tomo ii. "The expedition of Legazpi, which is generally believed to have been intended from the very first for the conquest and colonization of the Philippines, set out with the intention of colonizing New Guinea; and in any event only certain vessels were to continue their course to the archipelago, and that with the sole idea of ransoming the captives or prisoners of former expeditions" (p. vii). "The course laid out in the instructions of the viceroy [of New Spain, Luis de Velasco] [36] ... founded upon the opinion of Urdaneta, was to New Guinea. The instructions of the Audiencia prescribed definitely the voyage to the Philippines" (p. xxiv). Copious extracts are given from the more important of these documents, while a few are used merely as note-material for others. With this expedition begins the real history of the Philippine Islands, From Legazpi's landing in 1564, the Spanish occupation of the archipelago was continuous, and in a sense complete until 1898, with the exception of a brief period after the capture of Manila, by the English in 1762.]

1  2  3  4  5  6     Next Part
Home - Random Browse