The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898—Volume 39 of 55
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The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898

Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the close of the nineteenth century,

Volume XXXIX, 1683-1690

Edited and annotated by Emma Helen Blair and James Alexander Robertson with historical introduction and additional notes by Edward Gaylord Bourne.


Preface 9

Miscellaneous Documents, 1683-1690

Dampier in the Philippines (concluded). William Dampier; London, 1697 21 Petition for Dominican missionaries. Francisco de Villalva; [Madrid, 1687?] 122 Events in Filipinas, 1686-88. [Unsigned and undated.] 131 The Pardo controversy. Juan Sanchez, and others; Manila, 1683-89 149 Official visitation by Valdivia. [Unsigned; Manila, 1689-90.] 276

Bibliographical Data 303


View of the city of Manila; photographic facsimile of engraving in Dampier's Nouveau voyage autour du monde (French trans., Amsterdam, 1698) between pp. 434 and 435; from copy in Library of Congress 89

Map of the Philippine Islands; photographic facsimile from Pierre du Val's La geographie universelle, "Isles Philippines" (Paris, 1682), between pp. 306 and 307; from copy of original map in Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris 129

Autograph signature of Pedro Murillo Velarde, S.J.; photographic facsimile from original manuscript in Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla 195


The present volume, which covers the period 1683-90, is mainly devoted to an account of the controversy between Archbishop Pardo and the religious orders on one side, and the secular government on the other—a conflict of which such events as the disputes between Salazar and Dasmarinas (1591) and Guerrero and Corcuera (1635-36) were but preliminary skirmishes. In this case the archbishop gains the ascendency, being reenforced by one of the governors.

Dampier's account of his sojourn in the islands is here concluded from the preceding volume. He finds the Mindanaos friendly to the English, but distrustful of the Dutch and Spaniards. They are ingenious and clever in metal-work, and with very primitive tools and appliances make excellent utensils and ship-repairs; another industry of theirs is shipbuilding. The English ship remains about a week on the southern shore of Mindanao, to wait for favorable weather, and then proceeds to the Rio Grande of Mindanao, where it arrives July 18. The natives there are anxious to secure trade with the English merchants, and Dampier regrets that his companions did not resolve to give up freebooting for Spice-Island trade, especially as they were so well fitted, by experience and training, for establishing a trading-post, and had an excellent equipment for that purpose. The English officers maintain friendly intercourse with the natives, which enables them to see much of Malay life and customs. Some of the English sailors desert here, some are poisoned by the natives, and most of the crew become drunken and disaffected. The captain neglects to discipline them, and finally the crew sail away with their ship and leave him (January 14, 1687), with thirty-six of his men, at Mindanao. They halt at Guimaras Island to "scrub" their ship and lay in water; then (February 10) sail northward past Panay. At Mindoro they encounter some Indians, from whom they gain information as to the commerce of Manila, which they intend to attack and pillage. On February 23, the English begin their piratical acts in the Philippines by capturing a Spanish bark, near the coast of Luzon. After describing that island, he relates how some of the English sailors left at Mindanao find their way to Manila. The men on Dampier's vessel, not finding the Chinese vessels that they expected to seize, decide to wait on the coast of Cambodia and Siam until the time when the Acapulco galleon is expected. Having cruised along the mainland until July 29, they direct their course to the Batanes Islands, north of Luzon, arriving there August 6; they trade with the natives, clean the ship, and lay in provisions, intending to go afterward to harry the Manila commerce. But a fierce storm arises (September 25), driving them about for a week, and disheartening the men; and finally (October 3) they sail from the northern end of Luzon past the eastern coast of that island and Leyte, until they reach Sarangani, where they halt to repair their ship. Departing thence November 2, they go to Australia, and Dampier soon afterward leaves the ship—spending the next four years in the Malasian Islands, and, after numerous and varied adventures, arriving in England in September, 1691.

Francisco de Villalva, procurator for the Dominicans at Madrid, petitions for royal aid in sending forty missionaries of that order to the Philippines.

Some unknown Jesuit furnishes a "diary of events from June, 1686 to June, 1687." These include the arrivals and departures of ships from the port of Cavite; the deaths of prominent persons; the dissensions between the Jesuits and the archbishop, and between the religious orders; the conflicts between governor and Audiencia, and their relations with the archbishop; attacks by pirates; and other news-items, of miscellaneous character. A similar record (whether by the same hand is uncertain) continues through 1688.

A notable event in the history of the islands was the controversy (1681-89) between Archbishop Pardo and the secular authorities. Hundreds of documents and printed books are extant concerning this dispute, but our limited space will not allow us to reproduce many of these; it seems most useful for our purpose to give an outline of the main events during that time, as told by some of those who took part therein, both secular and religious, and representing different sides of the controversy. These contemporary documents are reenforced with abundant citations from the chroniclers of the religious orders—the Augustinian Diaz, the Jesuit Murillo Velarde, the Dominican Salazar, and the Recollect Concepcion; these are found in the annotations accompanying our text. The first account is that written by Juan Sanchez, secretary of the Audiencia, dated June 15, 1683; he relates the difficulties which arose between the secular and the religious authorities during the three years preceding that date—that controversy having begun in 1680, with the complaint of the cura of Vigan against the acting head of the diocese of Nueva Segovia, that the latter does not reside at the seat of that bishopric, and interferes with the above cura. The Audiencia undertakes to settle the affair, and the archbishop insists that it belongs to his jurisdiction. His cathedral chapter are offended at certain proceedings of his, and jealous of the influence acquired over him by Fray Raimundo Berart, a friar of the Dominican order (to which Pardo also belongs). The new bishop of Nueva Segovia also claims that the Vigan case belongs to his jurisdiction, not the archbishop's. Several other cases occur in which Pardo acts in an arbitrary manner, among them his seizure of a shipment of goods for the Jesuits, and his excommunication of a Jesuit for declining to render him an accounting in a certain executorship entrusted to the latter—Ortega alleging that this affair, as purely secular, pertains to the Audiencia alone. The Audiencia endeavor to restrain Pardo, but in vain; and the strained relations between them quickly grow into open hostilities. The situation is complicated by various antagonistic elements, which may be briefly summarized thus: The archbishop's arbitrary conduct toward his own clerics and other persons, and his strenuous insistence on his ecclesiastical prerogatives; the undue influence over him obtained by his Dominican brethren; the jealousies between the various religious orders; and, still more fundamental, the unceasing conflict between ecclesiastical and secular authority—the latter embodied mainly in the Audiencia, as the governors often ranged themselves against that tribunal, under the pressure of ecclesiastical influence. To these may be added the remoteness of the colony from Spain, and its smallness, which renders the limits within which these human forces are at work more narrow and circumscribed, and therefore intensifies their action. After a long conflict between Pardo and the Audiencia, in which their weapons are used freely on both sides—decrees, appeals, protests, censures, and legal technicalities of every sort, civil and canonical—that tribunal decides (October 1, 1682) to banish the archbishop, a sentence which is not executed until May 1, 1683. He is then seized by the officials of the Audiencia, and deported to Lingayen, a village in Cagayan. His assistant bishop, Barrientos, demands the right to act in Pardo's place; but his claim is set aside in favor of the cathedral chapter, or cabildo—which declares the see vacant in consequence of Pardo's exile. Another Dominican, Francisco de Villalba, is banished to Nueva Espana for seditious preaching; and others are sent to Cagayan.

The narration of events in Manila is continued in another document, from July, 1684, to June, 1685; this account is unsigned, but it suggests the hand of the preceding writer, Sanchez. On August 24 of the former year occurs the formal entrance into the city of the new governor, Curuzelaegui. This change of administration gives opportunity for the return of the banished Dominicans, and an agitation for the restoration of Pardo to his see, which is quickly accomplished. Soon he lays an iron hand on all persons who had formerly opposed him. Excommunications are imposed on ex-governor Vargas, the auditors, and other persons concerned in the archbishop's banishment; and the members of the cathedral chapter are suspended, and their official acts during his absence are annulled. They are not absolved until near the end of Lent (1685), and this is done in public, and very harshly, with great humiliation to the penitents. At the urgent remonstrances and entreaties of Curuzelaegui, Pardo finally consents to absolve the ex-governor, Vargas; but he loads this concession with conditions so grievous and humiliating that Vargas is unwilling to accept them.

Another unsigned document relates the "occurrences during the government of Cruzalaegui," of which a part, relating to the Pardo controversy only, is placed here with others on that subject; it covers only the first year, 1684-85. This writer also sympathizes with the auditors; his account is given mainly as an index of popular feeling on one side of the controversy. A letter from Auditor Bolivar to his agent at Madrid (June 15, 1685) presents an interesting view of the affair from the inside, and of the intrigues which kept Manila in a ferment during most of Pardo's term of office. Bolivar dares not write to the Council of the Indias, lest his letters be seized; he therefore directs his agent to take certain measures in his behalf, "for one cannot trust in friars." He recounts the proceedings in the residencia of Vargas, in which there are many false witnesses. He thinks that the Spaniards of Manila are more fickle than any others, and regards that colony as "a little edition of hell." He is eager to get away from the islands, and urges his friend to secure for him permission to do so, and to make arrangements so that he may not be needlessly detained in the islands. A letter from the Jesuit Pimentel (February 8, 1686) relates the scheming by which Pardo's return from exile was facilitated. Another unsigned paper contains "news since the year 1688;" the writer claims that his intention is "only that the truth may be known." This account is mainly occupied with the fate of the auditors and other officials who had incurred Pardo's wrath by taking part in his banishment. They are subjected to imprisonment, privation, and exile; a reign of terror prevails in Manila; and the governor is in close alliance with the archbishop, so that there "is no recourse, except to God." The writer mentions several things in condemnation of the governor's personal character, and regards him as unscrupulous and tyrannical. Finally, the Dominican account of this controversy is related by Vicente de Salazar, one of the official historians of that order, in his biography of Pardo. In 1677 that prelate enters upon the vacant see of Manila; he finds many ecclesiastical abuses and social scandals, and much official corruption. Undertaking to correct these, he incurs the enmity of many persons, and the ecclesiastical tribunal is filled with cases. For nearly three years the relations of the archbishop with the governor and Audiencia remain friendly; but finally (1680) certain ecclesiastics under censure have recourse to the Audiencia against the archbishop's authority, and this soon leads to hostilities between the religious and secular branches of the government. Next the cathedral chapter become insubordinate to Pardo, their proper head, and they too appeal to the Audiencia; and a long legal war ensues, in which the weapons are official acts on both sides. At last (in 1682) the Audiencia decree Pardo's banishment from his see, but hold this measure in suspense for a time. He irritates the Jesuits, by proceeding against one of their number who is acting as executor for an estate, and seizes goods belonging to that order which are brought by the Acapulco galleon; and soon the archbishop encounters complaints and clamors from all sides. The decree of banishment is enforced, and Pardo is arrested (March 31, 1683) and deported to the village of Lingayen, in the province of Pangasinan. The cabildo assume the government of the archbishopric, ignoring Pardo's appointment of Barrientos to that office; and many of Pardo's supporters are banished or otherwise chastised. A new governor coming to the islands, the archbishop is reinstated in his see (November 16, 1685) and the case is afterward decided by the courts of Rome and Madrid in his favor. He finds much to do in restoring his church to its former condition, and defending the ecclesiastical rights and privileges—an undertaking which keeps him engaged in conflicts, but cannot abate his zeal and constancy. In the outcome he is vindicated, even God taking vengeance on the enemies of the archbishop, whose saintly qualities are extolled by Salazar. Pardo dies on December 31, 1689.

A royal official comes to the islands (1688) to bring suit against the auditors who had banished the archbishop; but he finds that all of them are dead, except Bolivar, and even he dies while on his way to Manila. Accounts (ca. 1690) of Valdivia's proceedings are given by a Dominican and a Jesuit respectively (as appears from internal evidence). He reconciles the Jesuits and the Dominicans in Manila; sends Vargas, sentenced in residencia to pay 100,000 pesos, to Pangasinan; and sides with the archbishop in everything. This encourages Pardo to continue taking vengeance on his enemies; and he and Valdivia chastise whomsoever they will, in highly arbitrary fashion—the visitor aiding Pardo in many cases, and in others inflicting penalties on citizens of Manila in connection with purely secular affairs. Vargas is sent into exile, the archbishop refusing to the last to absolve him, notwithstanding the commands of the Audiencia. The second letter, written from Nueva Espana (probably 1691), apparently by a Jesuit, relates briefly the proceedings of Valdivia in the islands. The writer sends a warning to combat the influences that will be exerted at court to secure the see for Barrientos; and asserts that Valdivia has appropriated to himself great wealth (part of which has been seized) obtained from the Manila proceedings. The governor died in April, 1690.

The Editors May, 1906.



Dampier in the Philippines (concluded). William Dampier; 1697. Petition for Dominican missionaries. Francisco de Villalva; [1687?]. Events in Filipinas, 1686-88. [Unsigned and undated.] The Pardo controversy. Juan Sanchez, and others; 1683-89. Official visitation by Valdivia. [Unsigned; 1689-90.]

Sources: The first document is concluded from VOL. XXXVIII, q.v. The second is obtained from a rare pamphlet in the British Museum; the third and fifth, from the Ventura del Arco MSS., iii, pp. 625-638, 727-732; and 589-596, 641-673; the fourth, mainly from the same volume, with additions from Retana's Archivo, i, no. iv, and Salazar's Hist. Sant. Rosario, pp. 490-513.

Translations: All save the first document are translated by Emma Helen Blair.




Of the Inhabitants, and Civil State of the Isle of Mindanao. The Mindanayans, Hilanoones, Sologues, and Alfoorees. Of the Mindanayans, properly so called; Their Manners and Habits. The Habits and Manners of their Women. A Comical Custom at Mindanao. Their Houses, their Diet, and Washings. The Languages spoken there, and Transactions with the Spaniards. Their fear of the Dutch, and seeming desire of the English. Their Handy-crafts, and peculiar sort of Smiths Bellows. Their Shipping, Commodities, and Trade. The Mindanao and Manila Tobacco. A sort of Leprosie there, and other Distempers. Their Marriages. The Sultan of Mindanao, his Poverty, Power, Family, &c. The Proes or Boats here. Raja Laut the General, Brother of the Sultan, and his Family. Their way of Fighting. Their Religion. Raja Laut's Devotion. A Clock or Drum in their Mosques. Of their Circumcision, and the Solemnity then used. Of other their Religious Observations and Superstitions. Their abhorrence of Swines Flesh, &c.

This Island is not subject to one Prince, neither is the Language one and the same; but the People are much alike, in colour, strength, and stature. They are all or most of them of one Religion, which is Mahometanism, and their customs and manner of living are alike. The Mindanao People, more particularly so called, are the greatest Nation in the Island, and trading by Sea with other Nations, they are therefore the more civil. I shall say but little of the rest, being less known to me, but so much as hath come to my knowledge, take as follows. There are besides the Mindanayans, the Hilanoones, (as they call them) or the Mountaneers, the Sologues and Alfoores. [1]

The Hilanoones live in the Heart of the Country: They have little or no commerce by Sea, yet they have Proe's that row with 12 or 14 Oars apiece. They enjoy the benefit of the Gold Mines; and with their Gold buy forreign Commodities of the Mindanao People. They have also plenty of Bees-Wax, which they exchange for other Commodities.

The Sologues inhabit the N.W. end of the Island. [2] They are the least Nation of all; they Trade to Manila in Proes, and to some of the neighboring Islands, but have no Commerce with the Mindanao People.

The Alfoores are the same with the Mindanayans, and were formerly under the subjection of the Sultan of Mindanao, but were divided among the Sultan's Children, and have of late had a Sultan of their own; but having by Marriage contracted an alliance with the Sultan of Mindanao, this has occasioned that Prince to claim them again as his Subjects; and he made War with them a little after we went away, as I afterwards understood.

The Mindanayans properly so called, are Men of mean statures; small Limbs, straight Bodies, and little Heads. Their Faces are oval, their Foreheads flat, with black small Eyes, short low Noses, pretty large Mouths; their Lips thin and red, their Teeth black, yet very sound, their Hair black and straight, the colour of their Skin tawney, but inclining to a brighter yellow than some other Indians, especially the Women. They have a Custom to wear their Thumb-nails very long, especially that on their left Thumb, for they do never cut it but scrape it often. They are indued with good natural Wits, are ingenious, nimble, and active, when they are minded; but generally very lazy and thievish, and will not work except forced by Hunger. This laziness is natural to most Indians; but these People's lazinesz seems rather to proceed not so much from their natural Inclinations, as from the severity of their Prince of whom they stand in awe: For he dealing with them very arbitrarily, and taking from them what they get, this damps their Industry, so they never strive to have any thing but from Hand to Mouth. They are generally proud, and walk very stately. They are civil enough to Strangers, and will easily be acquainted with them, and entertain them with great freedom; but they are implacable to their Enemies, and very revengeful if they are injured, frequently poisoning secretly those that have affronted them.

They wear but few Cloaths; their Heads are circled with a short turban, fringed or laced at both ends; it goes once about the Head, and is tied in a knot, the laced ends hanging down. They wear Frocks and Breeches, but no Stockings nor Shooes.

The Women are fairer than the Men; and their Hair is black and long; which they tie in a knot, that hangs back in their Poles. They are more round visaged than the Men, and generally well featured; only their Noses are very small, and so low between their Eyes, that in some of the Female Children the rising that should be between the Eyes is scarce discernable; neither is their any sensible rising in their Foreheads. At a distance they appear very well; but being nigh, these Impediments are very obvious. They have very small Limbs. They wear but two Garments; a Frock, and a sort of Petticoat; the Petticoat is only a piece of Cloth, sewed both ends together; but it is made two Foot too big for their Wastes, so that they may wear either end uppermost; that part that comes up to their Wastes, because it is so much too big, they gather it in their Hands, and twist it till it fits close to their Wastes, tucking in the twisted part between their Waste and the edge of the Petticoat, which keeps it close. The Frock fits loose about them, and reaches down a little below the Waste. The Sleeves are a great deal longer than their Arms, and so small at the end, that their Hands will scarce go through. Being on, the Sleeve fits in folds about the wrist, wherein they take great pride.

The better sort of People have their Garments made of long Cloth; but the ordinary sort wear Cloth made of Plantain-tree, which they call Saggen; [3] by which name they call the Plantain. They have neither Stocking or Shooe, and the Women have very small Feet.

The Women are very desirous of the Company of Strangers, especially White Men; and doubtless would be very familiar, if the Custom of the Country did not debar them from that freedom, which seems coveted by them. Yet from the highest to the lowest they are allowed liberty to converse with, or treat strangers in the sight of their Husbands.

There is a kind of begging Custom at Mindanao, that I have not met elsewhere with in all my Travels; and which I believe is owing to the little Trade they have; which is thus: When Strangers arrive here, the Mindanao Men will come aboard, and invite them to their Houses, and inquire who has a Comrade, (which word I believe they have from the Spaniards) or a Pagally, and who has not. A Comrade is a familiar Male-friend; a Pagally [4] is an innocent Platonick Friend of the other Sex. All Strangers are in a manner oblig'd to accept of this Acquaintance and Familiarity, which must be first purchased with a small Present, and afterwards confirmed with some Gift or other to continue the Acquaintance: and as often as the Stranger goes ashore, he is welcome to his Comrade or Pagally's House, where he may be entertained for his Money, to Eat, Drink, or Sleep, and complimented, as often as he comes ashore, with Tobacco and Betel-Nut, which is all the Entertainment he must expect gratis. The richest Mens Wives are allow'd the freedom to converse with her Pagally in publick, and may give or receive Presents from him. Even the Sultans and the Generals Wives, who are always coopt up, will yet look out of their Cages when a Stranger passeth by, and demand of him if he wants a Pagally: and to invite him to their Friendship, will send a Present of Tobacco and Betel-nut to him by their Servants.

The chiefest City on this Island is called by the same Name of Mindanao. It is seated on the South side of the Island, in lat. 7 d. 20 m. N. on the banks of a small River, about two Mile from the Sea. The manner of building is somewhat strange: yet generally used in this Part of the East-Indies. Their House are all built on Posts, about 14, 16, 18, or 20 Foot high. These Posts are bigger or less, according to the intended magnificence of the Superstructure. They have but one Floor, but many Partitions or Rooms, and a Ladder or Stairs to go up out of the Streets. The Roof is large, and covered with Palmeto or Palm-leaves. So there is a clear passage like a Piazza (but a filthy one) under the House. Some of the poorer People that keep Ducks or Hens, have a fence made round the Posts of their Houses, with a Door to go in and out; and this Under-room serves for no other use. Some use this place for the common draught of their Houses, but building mostly close by the River in all parts of the Indies, they make the River receive all the filth of their House; and at the time of the Land-floods, all is washed very clean.

The Sultan's House is much bigger than any of the rest. It stands on about 180 great Posts or Trees, a great deal higher than the common Building, with great broad Stairs made to go up. In the first Room he hath about 20 Iron Guns, all Saker and Minion, placed on Field-Carriages. The General, and other great Men have some Guns also in their Houses. About 20 paces from the Sultan's House there is a small low House, built purposely for the Reception of Ambassadors or Merchant Strangers. This also stands on Posts, but the Floor is not raised above three or four Foot above the Ground, and is neatly Matted purposely for the Sultan and his Council to sit on; for they use no Chairs, but sit cross-legg'd like Taylors on the Floor.

The common Food at Mindanao is Rice, or Sago, and a small Fish or two. The better sort eat Buffalo, or Fowls ill drest, and abundance of Rice with it. They use no Spoons to eat their Rice, but every Man takes a handful out of the Platter, and by wetting his Hand in Water, that it may not stick to his Hand, squeezes it into a lump, as hard as possibly he can make it, and then crams it into his Mouth. They all strive to make these lumps as big as their Mouths can receive them; and seem to vie with each other, and glory in taking in the biggest lump; so that sometimes they almost choke themselves. They always wash after Meals, or if they touch any thing that is unclean; for which reason they spend abundance of Water in their Houses. This Water, with the washing of their Dishes, and what other filth they make, they pour down near their Fire-place: for their Chambers are not boarded, but floored with split Bamboes, like Lathe, so that the Water presently falls underneath their dwelling Rooms, where it breeds Maggots, and makes a prodigious stink. Besides this filthiness, the sick People ease themselves, and make Water in their Chambers; there being a small hole made purposely in the Floor, to let it drop through. But healthy sound People commonly ease themselves, and make Water in the River. For that reason you shall always see abundance of People, of both Sexes in the River, from Morning till Night; some easing themselves, others washing their bodies or Cloaths. If they come into the River purposely to wash their Cloaths, they strip and stand naked till they have done; then put them on, and march out again: both Men and Women take great delight in swimming, and washing themselves, being bred to it from their Infancy. I do believe it is very wholsom to wash Mornings and Evenings in these hot Countries, at least three or four Days in the Week: For I did use my self to it when I lived afterwards at Ben-cooly, and found it very refreshing and comfortable. It is very good for those that have Fluxes to wash and stand in the Rivers Mornings and Evenings. I speak it experimentally; for I was brought very low with that distemper at Achin; but by washing constantly Mornings and Evenings I found great benefit, and was quickly cured by it.

In the City of Mindanao they speak two Languages indifferently: their own Mindanao Language, and the Malaya; but in other parts or the Island they speak only their proper Language, having little Commerce abroad. They have Schools, and instruct the Children to Read and Write, and bring them up in the Mahometan Religion. Therefore many of the words, especially their Prayers, are in Arabick; and many of the words of civility the same as in Turkey; and especially when they meet in the Morning, or take leave of each other, they express themselves in that Language.

Many of the old People, both Men and Women, can speak Spanish, for the Spaniards were formerly settled among them, and had several Forts on this Island; and then they sent two Friers to the City, to convert the Sultan of Mindanao and his People. At that time these People began to learn Spanish, and the Spaniards incroached on them and endeavoured to bring them into subjection; and probably before this time had brought them all under their yoak, if they themselves had not been drawn off from this Island to Manila, to resist the Chinese, who threatened to invade them there. When the Spaniards were gone, the old Sultan of Mindanao, Father to the present, in whose time it was, razed and demolished their Forts, brought away their Guns, and sent away the Friers; and since that time will not suffer the Spaniards to settle on the Islands.

They are now most afraid of the Dutch, being sensible how they have inslaved many of the Neighboring Islands. For that Reason they have a long time desired the English to settle among them, and have offered them any convenient Place to build a Fort in, as the General himself told us; giving this Reason, that they do not find the English so incroaching as the Dutch or Spanish. The Dutch are no less jealous of their admitting the English, for they are sensible what detriment it would be to them if the English should settle here.

There are but few Tradesmen at the City of Mindanao. The chiefest Trades are Goldsmiths, Blacksmiths, and Carpenters. There are but two or three Goldsmiths; these will work in Gold or Silver, and make any thing that you desire: but they have no Shop furnished with Ware ready made for Sale. Here are several Blacksmiths who work very well, considering the Tools that they work with. Their Bellows are much different from ours. They are made of a wooden Cylinder, the Trunk of a Tree, about three Foot long, bored hollow like a Pump, and set upright on the ground, on which the Fire it self is made. Near the lower end there is a small hole, in the side of the Trunk next the Fire, made to receive a Pipe, through which the Wind is driven to the Fire by a great bunch of fine Feathers fastened to one end of the Stick, which closing up the inside of the Cylinder, drives the Air out of the Cylinder through the Pipe: Two of these Trunks or Cylinders are placed so nigh together, that a Man standing between them may work them both at once alternately, one with each Hand. They have neither Vice nor Anvil, but a great hard Stone or a piece of an old Gun, to hammer upon: yet they will perform their work making both common Utensils and Iron-works about Ships to admiration. They work altogether with Charcoal. Every Man almost is a Carpenter, for they can work with the Ax and Adds. Their Ax is but small, and so made that they can take it out of the Helve, and by turning it make an Adds of it. They have no Saws; but when they make Plank, they split the Tree in two, and make a Plank of each part, plaining it with the Ax and Adds. This requires much pains, and takes up a great deal of time; but they work cheap, and the goodness of the Plank thus hewed, which hath its grain preserv'd entire, makes amends for their cost and pains.

They build good and serviceable Ships or Barks for the Sea, some for Trade, others for Pleasure; and some Ships of War. Their trading Vessels they send chiefly to Manila. Thither they transport Bees-wax, which, I think, is the only Commodity, besides Gold that they vend there. The Inhabitants of the City of Mindanao get a great deal of Bees-wax themselves: but the greatest quantity they purchase is of the Mountaneers, from whom they also get the Gold which they send to Manila; and with these they buy their Calicoes, Muslins, and China Silk. They send sometimes their Barks to Borneo and other Islands; but what they transport thither, or import from thence, I know not. The Dutch come hither in Sloops from Ternate and Tidore, and buy Rice, Bees-wax, and Tobacco: for there is a great deal of Tobacco grown on this Island, more than in any Island or Country in the East-Indies, that I know of, Manila only excepted. It is an excellent sort of Tobacco; but these People have not the Art of managing this Trade to their best advantage, as the Spaniards have at Manila. I do believe the Seeds were first brought hither from Manila by the Spaniards, and even thither, in all probability, from America: the difference between the Mindanao and Manila Tobacco is, that the Mindanao Tobacco is of a darker colour; and the Leaf larger and grosser than the Manila Tobacco, being propagated or planted in a fatter Soil. The Manila Tobacco is of a bright yellow colour, of an indifferent size, not strong, but Pleasant to Smoak. The Spaniards at Manila are very curious about this Tobacco, having a peculiar way of making it up neatly in the Leaf. For they take two little Sticks, each about a Foot long, and flat, and placing the Stalks of the Tobacco Leaves in a row, 40 or 50 of them between the two Sticks, they bind them hard together, so that the Leaves hang dangling down. One of these bundles is sold for a Rial at Fort St. George: but you may have 10 or 12 pound of Tobacco at Mindanao for a Rial: and the Tobacco is as good, or rather better than the Manila Tobacco, but they have not that vent for it as the Spaniards have.

The Mindanao People are much troubled with a sort of Leprosie, the same as we observed at Guam. This Distemper runs with a dry Scurf all over their Bodies, and causeth great itching in those that have it, making them frequently scratch and scrub themselves, which raiseth the outer skin in small whitish flakes, like the scales of little Fish, when they are raised on end with a knife. This makes their skin extraordinary rough, and in some you shall see broad white spots in several parts of their Body. I judge such have had it, but are cured; for their skins were smooth, and I did not perceive them to scrub themselves: yet I have learnt from their own mouths that these spots were from this Distemper. Whether they use any means to cure themselves, or whether it goes away of it self, I know not: but I did not perceive that they made any great matter of it, for they did never refrain any Company for it; none of our People caught it of them, for we were afraid of it, and kept off. They are sometimes troubled with the Small Pox, but their ordinary Distempers are Fevers, Agues, Fluxes, with great pains, and gripings in their Guts. The Country affords a great many Drugs and Medicinal Herbs, whose Virtues are not unknown to some of them that pretend to cure the Sick.

The Mindanao Men have many Wives: but what Ceremonies are used when they Marry I know not. There is commonly a great Feast made by the Bridegroom to entertain his Friends, and the most part of the Night is spent in Mirth.

The Sultan is absolute in his Power over all his Subjects. He is but a poor Prince; for as I mentioned before, they have but little Trade, and therefore cannot be rich. If the Sultan understands that any Man has Money, if it be but 20 Dollars, which is a great matter among them, he will send to borrow so much Money, pretending urgent occasions for it; and they dare not deny him. Sometimes he will send to sell one thing or another that he hath to dispose of, to such whom he knows to have Money, and they must buy it, and give him his price; and if afterwards he hath occasion for the same thing, he must have it if he sends for it. He is but a little Man, between 50 or 60 Years old, and by relation very good natured, but over-ruled by those about him. [5] He has a Queen, and keeps about 29 Women, or Wives more, in whose company he spends most of his time. He has one Daughter by his Sultaness or Queen, and a great many Sons and Daughters by the rest. These walk about the Streets, and would be always begging things of us; but it is reported that the young Princess is kept in a Room, and never stirs out, and that she did never see any Man but her Father and Raja Laut her Uncle, being then about Fourteen Years Old.

When the Sultan visits his Friends, he is carried in a small Couch on four Mens shoulders, with eight or ten armed Men to guard him; but he never goes far this way; for the Country is very Woody, and they have but little Paths, which render it the less commodious. When he takes his pleasure by Water, he carries some of his Wives along with him. The Proes that are built for this purpose, are large enough to entertain 50 or 60 Persons or more. The Hull is neatly built, with a round Head and Stern, and over the Hull there is a small slight House built with Bamboes; the sides are made up with split Bamboes, about four Foot high, with little Windows in them of the same, to open and shut at their pleasure. The roof is almost flat, neatly thatched with Palmeto Leaves. This House is divided into two or three small Partitions or Chambers, one particularly for himself. This is neatly Matted underneath, and round the sides; and there is a Carpet and Pillows for him to sleep on. The second Room is for his Women, much like the former. The third is for the Servants, who tend them with Tobacco and Betel-Nut; for they are always chewing or smoking. The fore and after-parts of the Vessel are for the Marriners to sit and Row. Besides this, they have Outlayers, such as those I described at Guam; only the Boats and Outlayers here are larger. These Boats are more round, like the Half-Moon almost; and the Bamboes or Outlayers that reach from the Boat are also crooked. Besides, the Boat is not flat on one side here, as at Guam; but hath a Belly and Outlayers on each side: and whereas at Guam there is a little Boat fasten'd to the Outlayers, that lies in the Water; the Beams or Bamboes here are fasten'd traverse-wise to the Outlayers on each side, and touch not the Water like Boats, but 1, 3 or 4 Foot above the Water, and serve for the Barge Men to sit and Row and paddle on; the inside of the Vessel, except only just afore and abaft, being taken up with the apartments for the Passengers. There run a-cross the Outlayers two tire of Beams for the Padlers to sit on, on each side the Vessel. The lower tire of these Beams is not above a Foot from the Water: so that upon any the least reeling of the Vessel, the Beams are dipt in the Water, and the Men that sit are wet up to their Waste: their Feet seldom escaping the Water. And thus as all our Vessels are Rowed from within, these are Paddled from without.

The Sultan hath a Brother called Raja Laut, a brave Man. He is the second Man in the Kingdom. All Strangers that come hither to Trade must make their Address to him, for all Sea Affairs belong to him. He Licenceth Strangers to Import or Export any Commodity, and 'tis by his Permission that the Natives themselves are suffered to Trade: Nay the very Fishermen must [t]ake a Permit from him: So that there is no Man can come into the River or go out but by his leave. He is two or three Years younger than the Sultan, and a little Man like him. He has eight Women, by some of whom he hath Issue. He hath only one Son, about twelve or fourteen Years old, who was Circumcised while we were there. His Eldest Son died a little before we came hither, for whom he was still in great heaviness. If he had lived a little longer he should have Married the young Princess, but whether this second Son must have her I know not, for I did never hear any Discourse about it. Raja Laut is a very sharp Man; he speaks and writes Spanish, which he learned in his Youth. He has by often conversing with Strangers, got a great sight into the Customs of other Nations, and by Spanish Books has some knowledge of Europe. He is General of the Mindanayans, and is accounted an expert Soldier and a very stout Man; and the Women in their Dances, Sing many Songs in his praise.

The Sultan of Mindanao sometimes makes War with his Neighbors the Mountaneers or Alfoores. Their Weapons are Swords, Lances and some Hand-Cressets. The Cresset [6] is a small thing like a Baggonet, which they always wear in War or Peace, at Work or Play, from the greatest of them to the poorest, or the meanest Persons. They do never meet each other so as to have a pitcht Battle, but they build small Works or Forts of Timber, wherein they plant little Guns, and lie in sight of each other 2 or 3 Months, skirmishing every Day in small Parties, and sometimes surprizing a Brestwork; and whatever side is like to be worsted, if they have no probability to escape by flight, they sell their lives as dear as they can; for there is seldom any quarter given, but the Conqueror cuts and hacks his Enemies to pieces.

The Religion of these People is Mahometanism, Friday is their Sabbath; but I did never see any difference that they make between this Day and any other Day, only the Sultan himself goes then to the Mosque twice. Raja Laut never goes to the Mosque, but Prays at certain Hours, Eight or Ten times in a Day; where-ever he is, he is very punctual to his Canonical Hours, and if he be aboard will go ashore, on purpose to Pray. For no Business nor Company hinders him from this Duty. Whether he is at home or abroad, in a House or in the Field, he leaves all his Company, and goes about 100 Yards off, and there kneels down to his Devotion. He first kisses the Ground, then prays aloud, and divers times in his Prayers he kisses the Ground, and does the same when he leaves off. His Servants, and his Wives and Children talk and sing, or play how they please all the time, but himself is very serious. The meaner sort of People have little Devotion: I did never see any of them at their Prayers, or go into a Mosque.

In the Sultan's Mosque there is a great Drum with but one Head called a Gong; which is instead of a Clock. This Gong is beaten at 12 a Clock, at 3, 6, and 9; a Man being appointed for that Service. He has a Stick as big as a Man's Arm, with a great knob at the end, bigger than a Man's Fist, made with Cotton, bound fast with small Cords: with this he strikes the Gong as hard as he can, about 20 strokes; beginning to strike leisurely the first 5 or 6 strokes; then he strikes faster, and at last strikes as fast as he can; and then he strikes again slower and slower so many strokes: thus he rises and falls three times, and then leaves off till three Hours after. This is done Night and Day.

They circumcise the Males at 11 or 12 Years of Age, or older; and many are circumcised at once. This Ceremony is performed with a great deal of Solemnity. There had been no Circumcision for some Years before our being here; and then there was one for Raja Laut's Son. They chuse to have a general Circumcision when the Sultan, or General, or some other great Person hath a Son fit to be Circumcised; for with him a great many more are Circumcised. There is notice given about 8 or 10 Days before for all Men to appear in Arms, and great preparation is made against the solemn Day. In the Morning before the Boys are Circumcised, Presents are sent to the Father of the Child, that keeps the Feast; which, as I said before, is either the Sultan, or some great Person: and about 10 or 11 a Clock the Mahometan Priest does his Office. He takes hold of the fore-skin with two Sticks, and with a pair of Scissors snips it off. After this most of the Men, both in City and Country being in Arms before the House, begin to act as if they were ingaged with an Enemy, having such Arms as I described. Only one acts at a time, the rest make a great Ring of 2 or 300 Yards round about him. He that is to exercise comes into the Ring with a great shriek or two, and a horrid look; then he fetches two or three large stately strides, and falls to work. He holds his broad Sword in one Hand, and his Lance in the other, and traverses his Ground, leaping from one side of the Ring to the other; and in a menacing posture and look, bids defiance to the Enemy, whom his Fancy frames to him; for there is nothing but Air to oppose him. Then he stamps and shakes his Head, and grinning with his Teeth, makes many ruful Faces. Then he throws his Lance, and nimbly snatches out his Cresset, with which he hacks and hews the Air like a Mad-man, often shrieking. At last, being almost tired with motion, he flies to the middle of the Ring, where he seems to have his Enemy at his Mercy, and with two or three blows cuts on the Ground as if he was cutting off his Enemy's Head. By this time he is all of a Sweat, and withdraws triumphantly out of the Ring, and presently another enters with the like shrieks and gesture. Thus they continue combating their imaginary Enemy all the rest of the Day: towards the conclusion of which the richest Men act, and at last the General, and then the Sultan concludes this Ceremony: He and the General with some other great Men, are in Armor, but the rest have none. After this the Sultan returns home, accompanied with abundance of People who wait on him there till they are dismist. But at the time when we were there, there was an after-game to be played; for the General's Son being then Circumcised, the Sultan intended to give him a second visit in the Night, so they all waited to attend him thither. The General also provided to meet him in the best manner, and therefore desired Captain Swan with his Men to attend him. Accordingly Captain Swan ordered us to get our Guns, and wait at the General's House till further Orders. So about 40 of us waited till Eight a Clock in the Evening. When the General with Captain Swan, and about 1000 Men, went to meet the Sultan, with abundance of Torches that made it as light as Day. The manner of the march was thus: First of all there was a Pageant, and upon it two dancing Women gorgeously apparelled, with Coronets on their Heads, full of glittering Spangles, and Pendants of the same, hanging down over their Breast and Shoulders. These are Women bred up purposely for dancing: Their Feet and Legs are but little imployed, except sometimes to turn round very gently; but their Hands, Arms, Head and Body are in continual motion, especially their Arms, which they turn and twist so strangely, that you would think them to be made without Bones. Besides the two dancing Women, there were two old Women in the Pageant, holding each a lighted Torch in their Hands, close by the two dancing Women, by which light the glittering Spangles appeared very gloriously. This Pageant was carried by six lusty Men: Then came six or seven Torches, lighting the General and Captain Swan, who marched side by side next, and we that attended Captain Swan followed close after, marching in order six and six abreast, with each Man his Gun on his Shoulder, and Torches on each side. After us came twelve of the General's Men with old Spanish Match-locks, marching four in a row. After them about forty Lances, and behind them as many with great Swords, marching all in order. After them came abundance only with Cressets by their sides, who marched up close without any order. When we came near the Sultan's House, the Sultan and his Men met us, and we wheel'd off to let them pass. The Sultan had three Pageants [that] went before him: In the first Pageant were four of his Sons, who were about 10 or 11 Years old. They had gotten abundance of small Stones, which they roguishly threw about on the People's Heads. In the next were four young Maidens, nieces to the Sultan, being his Sisters Daughters; and in the 3d, there were three of the Sultan's Children, not above six Years old. The Sultan himself followed next, being carried in his Couch, which was not like your Indian Palankins, but open, and very little and ordinary. A multitude of People came after, without any order: but as soon as he was past by, the General, and Captain Swan, and all our Men, closed in just behind the Sultan, and so all marched together to the General's House. We came thither between 10 and 11 a Clock, where the biggest part of the Company were immediately dismist; but the Sultan and his Children, and his Nieces, and some other Persons of Quality, entred the General's House. They were met at the Head of the Stairs by the General's Women, who with a great deal of Respect conducted them into the House. Captain Swan, and we that were with him followed after. It was not long before the General caused his dancing Women to enter the Room, and divert the Company with that pastime. I had forgot to tell you that they have none but vocal Musick here, by what I could learn, except only a row of a kind of Bells without Clappers, 16 in number, and their weight increasing gradually from about three to ten pound weight. These were set in a row on a Table in the General's House, where for seven or eight Days together before the Circumcision day, they were struck each with a little Stick, for the biggest part of the Day making a great noise, and they ceased that Morning. So these dancing Women sung themselves, and danced to their own Musick. After this the General's Women, and the Sultan's Sons, and his Nieces danced. Two of the Sultan's Nieces were about 18 or 19 Years Old, the other two were three or four Years Younger. These Young Ladies were very richly drest, with loose garments of Silk, and small Coronets on their Heads. They were much fairer than any Women that I did ever see there, and very well featured; and their Noses, tho' but small, yet higher than the other Womens, and very well proportioned. When the Ladies had very well diverted themselves and the Company with dancing, the General caused us to fire some Sky-rockets, that were made by his and Captain Swan's Order, purposely for this Nights Solemnity; and after that the Sultan and his retinue went away with a few Attendants, and we all broke up, and thus ended this Days Solemnity: but the Boys being sore with their Amputation, went straddling for a fortnight after.

They are not, as I said before, very curious or strict in observing any Days, or Times of particular Devotions, except it be Ramdam [i.e., Ramadan] time, as we call it. The Ramdam time was then in August, as I take it, for it was shortly after our arrival here. In this time they Fast all Day and about seven a Clock in the Evening, they spend near an Hour in Prayer. Towards the latter end of their Prayer, they loudly invoke their Prophet, for about a quarter of an Hour, both old and young bawling out very strangely, as if they intended to fright him out of his sleepiness or neglect of them. After their Prayer is ended, they spend some time in Feasting before they take their repose. Thus they do every Day for a whole Month at least; for sometimes 'tis two or three Days longer before the Ramdam ends: For it begins at the New Moon, and lasts till they see the next New Moon, which sometimes in thick hazy Weather is not till three or four Days after the Change, as it happen'd while I was at Achin, where they continued the Ramdam till the New Moon's appearance. The next Day after they have seen the New Moon, the Guns are all discharged about Noon, and then the time ends.

A main part of their Religion consists in washing often, to keep themselves from being defiled; or after they are defiled to cleanse themselves again. They also take great care to keep themselves from being polluted, by tasting or touching any thing that is accounted Unclean; therefore Swines Flesh is very abominable to them; nay, any one that hath either tasted of Swines flesh, or touched those Creatures, is not permitted to come into their Houses in many Days after, and there is nothing will scare them more than a Swine. Yet there are wild Hogs in the Islands, and those so plentiful, that they will come in troops out of the Woods in the Night into the very City, and come under their Houses, to romage up and down the Filth that they find there. The Natives therefore would even desire to lie in wait for the Hogs, to destroy them, which we did frequently, by shooting them and carrying them presently on board, but were prohibited their Houses afterwards.

And now I am on this Subject, I cannot omit a Story concerning the General. He once desired to have a pair of Shoes made after the English Fashion, tho' he did very seldom wear any: So one [of] our Men made him a Pair, which the General liked very well. Afterwards some Body told him, That the Thread wherewith the Shoes were sowed, were pointed with Hogs-bristles. This put him into a great Passion; so he sent the Shoes to the Man that made them, and sent him withal more Leather to make another Pair, with Threads pointed with some other Hair, which was immediately done, and then he was well pleased.


Their coasting along the Isle of Mindanao, from a Bay on the East-side to another, at the S.E. end. Tornadoes and boisterous Weather. The S.E. Coast, and its Savannah and plenty of Deer. They coast along the South-side to the River of Mindanao City, and anchor there. The Sultan's Brother and Son come aboard them, and invite them to settle there. Of the Feasibleness and probable Advantage of such a Settlement, from the neighboring Gold and Spice Islands. Of the best way to Mindanao by the South Sea and Terra Australis; and of an accidental Discovery there by Captain Davis, and a probability of a greater. The Capacity they were in to settle here. The Mindanayans measure their Ship. Captain Swan's Present to the Sultan: his Reception of it, and Audience given to Captain Swan, with Raja Laut, the Sultans Brother's Entertainment of him. The Contents of two English Letters shewn them by the Sultan of Mindanao. Of the Commodities, and the Punishments there. The General's Caution how to demean themselves: at his Persuasion they lay up their Ships in the River. The Mindanaians Caresses. The great Rains and Floods at the City. The Mindanaians have Chinese Accomptants. How their Women dance. A Story of one John Thacker. Their Bark eaten up, and their Ship endangered by the Worm. Of the Worms here and elsewhere. Of Captain Swan. Raja Laut, the General's Deceitfulness. Hunting wild Kine. The Prodigality of some of the English. Captain Swan treats with a Young Indian of a Spice-Island. A Hunting Voyage with the General. His punishing a Servant of his. Of his Wives and Women. A sort of strong Rice-drink. The General's foul Dealing and Exactions. Captain Swan's Uneasiness and indiscreet Management. His Men Mutiny. Of a Snake twisting about on their Necks. The main part of the Crew go away with the Ship, leaving Captain Swan and some of his Men: Several others poisoned there.

Having in the two last Chapters given some Account of the Natural, Civil, and Religious State of Mindanao, I shall now go on with the prosecution of our Affairs during our stay there.

'Twas in a Bay on the N. East-side of the Island that we came to an Anchor, as hath been said. We lay in this Bay but one Night, and part of the next Day. Yet there we got Speech with some of the Natives, who by signs made us to understand, that the City Mindanao was on the West-side of the Island. We endeavored to persuade one of them, to go with us to be our Pilot, but he would not: Therefore in the Afternoon we loosed from hence, steering again to the South East, having the Wind at S.W. When we came to the S.E. end of the Island Mindanao, we saw two small Islands [7] about three Leagues distant from it. We might have passed between them and the main Island, as we learnt since, but not knowing them, nor what dangers we might encounter there, we chose rather to Sail to the Eastward of them. But meeting very strong Westerly Winds, we got nothing forward in many Days. In this time we first saw the Islands Meangis, [8] which are about 16 Leagues distant from the Mindanao, bearing S.E. I shall have occasion to speak more of them hereafter.

The 4th Day of July we got into a deep Bay, four Leagues N.W. from the two small Islands before mentioned. But the Night before, in a violent Tornado, our Bark being unable to beat any longer, bore away, which put us in some pain for fear she was overset, as we had like to have been our selves. We anchored on the South West side of the Bay, in fifteen fathom Water, about a Cables length from the shore. Here we were forced to shelter our selves from the violence of the Weather, which was so boisterous with Rains, and Tornadoes, and a strong Westerly Wind, that we were very glad to find this place to Anchor in, being the only shelter on this side from the West Winds.

This Bay is not above two Mile wide at the Mouth, but farther in it is three Leagues wide, and seven fathom deep, running in N.N.W. There is a good depth of Water about four or five Leagues in, but Rocky foul Ground for about two Leagues in, from the Mouth on both sides of the Bay, except only in that place where we lay. About three Leagues in from the mouth, on the Eastern side, there are fair sandy Bays, and very good anchoring in four, five, and six fathom. The Land on the East side is high, Mountainous, and Woody, yet very well watered with small Brooks, and there is one River large enough for Canoes to enter. On the West side of the Bay, the Land is of a mean height with a large Savannah, bordering on the Sea, and stretching from the mouth of the Bay, a great way to the Westward.

This Savannah abounds with long Grass, and it is plentifully stock'd with Deer. The adjacent Woods are a covert for them in the heat of the Day: but Mornings and Evenings they feed in the open Plains, as thick as in our Parks in England. I never saw any where such plenty of wild Deer, tho' I have met with them in several parts of America, both in the North and South Seas.

The Deer live here pretty peaceably and unmolested, for there are no Inhabitants on that side of the Bay. We visited this Savannah every Morning, and killed as many Deer as we pleased, sometimes 16 or 18 in a Day; and we did eat nothing but Venison all the time we staid here.

We saw a great many Plantations by the sides of the Mountains, on the East side of the Bay, and we went to one of them, in hopes to learn of the Inhabitants whereabouts the City was, that we might not over-sail it in the Night; but they fled from us.

We lay here till the 12th Day before the Winds abated of their fury, and then we sailed from hence, directing our course to the Westward. In the Morning we had a Land Wind at North. At 11 a Clock the Sea breeze came at West, just in our Teeth, but it being fair Weather, we kept on our way, turning and taking the advantage of the Land breezes by Night, and the Sea breezes by Day.

Being now past the S.E. part of the Island, we coasted down on the South side, and we saw abundance of Canoas a fishing, and now and then a small Village. Neither were these Inhabitants afraid of us (as the former) but came aboard; yet we could not understand them, nor they us, but by signs: and when we mentioned the word Mindanao, they would point towards it.

The 18th Day of July we arrived before the River of Mindanao; the mouth of which lies in lat. 6 d. 22 m. N. and is laid in 231 d. 12 m. Longitude West, from the Lizard in England [9]. We anchored right against the River in 15 fathom Water, clear hard Sand; about 2 Miles from the shore, and 3 or 4 Miles from a small Island, that lay without us to the Southward. We fired 7 or 9 Guns, I remember not well which, and were answered again with 3 from the shore; for which we gave one again. Immediately after our coming to an Anchor Raja Laut, and one of the Sultan's Sons came off in a Canoa, being rowed with 10 Oars, and demanded in Spanish what we were? and from whence we came? Mr. Smith (he who was taken Prisoner at Leon in Mexico) answered in the same Language, that we were English, and that we had been a great while out of England. They told us that we were welcome, and asked us a great many questions about England; especially concerning our East India Merchants; and whether we were sent by them to settle a Factory here? Mr. Smith told them that we came hither only to buy Provision. They seemed a little discontented when they understood that we were not come to settle among them: for they had heard of our arrival on the East-side of the Island a great while before, and entertained hopes that we were sent purposely out of England hither to settle a Trade with them; which it would seem they are very desirous of. For Capt. Goodlud had been here not long before to treat with them about it; and when he went away told them (as they said) that in a short time they might expect an Ambassador from England, to make a full bargain with them.

Indeed upon mature thoughts, I should think we could not have done better, than to have complied with the desire they seemed to have of our settling here; and to have taken up our quarters among them. For as thereby we might better have consulted our own profit and satisfaction, than by the other loose roving way of life; so it might probably have proved of publick benefit to our Nation, and been a means of introducing an English Settlement and Trade, not only here, but through several of the Spice-Islands, which lie in its neighborhood.

For the Islands Meangis, which I mentioned in the beginning of this Chapter, lye within twenty Leagues of Mindanao. These are three small Islands that abound with Gold and Cloves, if I may credit my Author Prince Jeoly, [10] who was born on one of them, and was at that time a Slave in the City of Mindanao. He might have been purchased by us of his Master for a small matter, as he was afte[r]wards by Mr. Moody, (who came hither to trade, and laded a Ship with Clove-Bark) and by transporting him home to his own Country, we might have gotten a Trade there. But of Prince Jeoly I shall speak more hereafter. These Islands are as yet probably unknown to the Dutch, who as I said before, indeavor to ingross all the Spice into their own Hands.

There was another opportunity offered us here of settling on another Spice-Island that was very well inhabited: for the Inhabitants fearing the Dutch, and understanding that the English were settling at Mindanao, their Sultan sent his Nephew to Mindanao while we were there to invite us thither: Captain Swan conferr'd with him about it divers times, and I do believe he had some Inclination to accept the offer; and I am sure most of the Men were for it: but this never came to a head, for want of a true understanding between Captain Swan and his Men, as may be declared hereafter.

Beside the benefit that might accrue from this Trade with Meangis, and other the Spice Islands, the Philippine Islands themselves, by a little care and industry, might have afforded us a very beneficial Trade, and all these Trades might have been managed from Mindanao, by settling there first. For that Island lyeth very convenient for Trading either to the Spice-Islands, or to the rest of the Philippine Islands: since as its Soil is much of the same nature with either of them, so it lies as it were in the Center of the Gold and Spice Trade in these parts; the Islands North of Mindanao abounding most in Gold, and those South of Meangis in Spice.

As the Island Mindanao lies very convenient for Trade, so considering its distance, the way thither may not be over-long and tiresome. The Course that I would choose should be to set out of England about the latter end of August, and to pass round Terra del Fuego, and so stretching over towards New Holland, coast it along that Shore till I came near to Mindanao; or first I would coast down near the American Shore, as far as I found convenient, and then direct my Course accordingly for the Island. By this I should avoid coming near any of the Dutch Settlements, and be sure to meet always with a constant brisk Easterly Trade Wind, after I was once past Terra del Fuego. Whereas in passing about the Cape of Good Hope, after you are shot over the East-Indian Ocean, and are come to the Islands, you must pass through the Streights of Malacca or Sundy, or else some other Streights East from Java, where you will be sure to meet with Country [i.e., contrary] -winds, go on which side of the Equator you please; and this would require ordinarily 7 or 8 Months for the Voyage, but the other I should hope to perform in 6 or 7 at most. In your return from thence also you must observe the same Rule as the Spaniards do in going from Manila to Acapulco; [11] only as they run towards the North-Pole for variable Winds, so you must run to the Southward, till you meet with a Wind that will carry you over to Terra del Fuego. There are places enough to touch at for Refreshment, either going or coming. You may touch going thither on either side of Terra Patagonica, or, if you please, at the Gallapagoes Islands, [12] where there is Refreshment enough; and returning you may probably touch somewhere on New Holland, and so make some profitable discovery in these Places without going out of your way. And to speak my Thoughts freely, I believe 'tis owing to the neglect of this easie way that all that vast Tract of Terra Australis which bounds the South Sea is yet undiscovered: those that cross that Sea seeming to design some Business on the Peruvian or Mexican Coast, and so leaving that at a distance. To confirm which, I shall add what Captain Davis [13] told me lately, That after his departure from us at the Haven of Ria Lexa [14] (as is mentioned in the 8th Chap.) he went after several Traverses, to the Gallapagoes and that standing thus Southward for Wind, to bring him about Terra del Fuego, in the Lat. of 27 South, about 500 Leagues from Copayapo, [15] on the Coast of Chili, he saw a small sandy Island just by him; and that they saw to the Westward of it a long Tract of pretty high Land, tending away toward the North West out of sight. This might probably be the Coast of Terra Australis Incognita.

But to return to Mindanao; as to the capacity we were then in, of settling our selves at Mindanao, although we were not sent out of any such design of settling, yet we were as well provided, or better, considering all Circumstances, than if we had. For there was scarce any useful Trade, but some or other of us understood it. We had Sawyers, Carpenters, Joyners, Brickmakers, Bricklayers, Shoemakers, Taylors, &c. we only wanted a good Smith for great Work; which we might have had at Mindanao. We were very well provided with Iron, Lead, and all sorts of Tools, as Saws, Axes, Hammers, &c. We had powder and Shot enough, and very good small Arms. If we had designed to build a Fort, we could have spared 8 or 10 Guns out of our Ship, and Men enough to have managed it, and any Affair of Trade beside. We had also a great Advantage above raw Men that are sent out of England into these places, who proceed usually too cautiously, coldly and formally, to compass any considerable design, which Experience better teaches than any Rules whatsoever; besides the danger of their Lives in so great and sudden a change of Air: whereas we were all inured to hot Climates, hardened by many Fatigues, and, in general, daring Men, and such as would not be easily baffled. To add one thing more, our Men were almost tired, and began to desire a quietus est; and therefore they would gladly have seated themselves any where. We had a good Ship too, and enough of us (beside what might have been spared to manage our new Settlement) to bring the News with the Effects to the Owners in England: for Captain Swan had already 5000 l. in Gold, which he and his Merchants received for Goods sold mostly to Captain Harris [16] and his Men: which if he had laid but part of it out in Spice, as probably he might have done, would have satisfy'd the Merchants to their Hearts content. So much by way of digression.

To proceed therefore with our first Reception at Mindanao, Raja Laut and his Nephew sat still in their Canoa, and would not come aboard us; because, as they said, they had no Orders for it from the Sultan. After about half an Hour's Discourse, they took their leaves, first inviting Captain Swan ashore, and promising him to assist him in getting Provision; which they said at present was scarce, but in three or four Month's time the Rice would be gathered in, and then he might have as much as he pleased: and that in the mean time he might secure his Ship in some convenient place, for fear of the Westerly winds, which they said would be very violent at the latter end of this Month, and all the next, as we found them.

We did not know the quality of these two Persons till after they were gone; else we should have fir'd some Guns at their Departure: When they were gone, a certain Officer under the Sultan came aboard and measured our Ship. A custom derived from the Chinese, who always measure the length and breadth, and the depth of the Hold of all Ships that come to load there; by which means they know how much each Ship will carry. But for what reason this Custom is used either by the Chinese, or Mindanao Men, I could never learn; unless the Mindanaians design by this means to improve their skill in Shipping, against they have a Trade.

Captain Swan, considering that the Season of the Year would oblige us to spend some time at this Island, thought it convenient to make what interest he could with the Sultan; who might afterwards either obstruct, or advance his designs. He therefore immediately provided a Present to send ashore to the Sultan, viz. 3 Yards of Scarlet Cloth, 3 Yards of broad Gold Lace, a Turkish Scimiter and a Pair of Pistols: and to Raja Laut he sent 3 Yards of Scarlet Cloth, and 3 Yards of Silver Lace. This Present was carried by Mr. Henry More in the Evening. He was first conducted to Raja Laut's House; where he remained till report thereof was made to the Sultan, who immediately gave order for all things to be made ready to receive him.

About Nine a Clock at Night, a Messenger came from the Sultan to bring the Present away. Then Mr. More was conducted all the way with Torches and armed Men, till he came to the House where the Sultan was. The Sultan with eight or ten Men of his Council were seated on Carpets, waiting his coming. The Present that Mr. More brought was laid down before them, and was very kindly accepted by the Sultan, who caused Mr. More to sit down by them, and asked a great many questions of him. The discourse was in Spanish by an Interpreter. This Conference lasted about an Hour, and then he was dismist, and returned again to Raja Laut's House. There was a Supper provided for him, and the Boats Crew; after which he returned aboard.

The next Day the Sultan sent for Capt. Swan: He immediately went ashore with a Flag flying in the Boats Head, and two Trumpets sounding all the way. When he came ashore, he was met at his Landing by two principal Officers, guarded along with Soldiers, and abundance of People gazing to see him. The Sultan waited for him in his Chamber of Audience, where Captain Swan was treated with Tobacco and Betel, which was all his Entertainment.

The Sultan sent for two English Letters for Captain Swan to read, purposely to let him know, that our East-India Merchants did design to settle here, and that they had already sent a Ship hither. One of these Letters was sent to the Sultan from England, by the East-India Merchants. The chiefest things contained in it, as I remember, for I saw it afterwards in the Secretaries Hand, who was very proud to shew it to us, was to desire some privileges, in order to the building of a Fort there. This Letter was written in a very fair Hand; and between each Line, there was a Gold Line drawn. The other Letter was left by Captain Goodlud, directed to any English Men who should happen to come thither. This related wholly to Trade, giving an account, at what rate he had agreed with them for Goods of the Island, and how European Goods should be sold to them; with an account of their Weight and Measures, and their difference from ours.

The rate agreed on for Mindanao Gold, was 14 Spanish Dollars, (which is a current Coin all over India) the English Ounce, and 18 Dollars the Mindanao Ounce. But for Bees-wax and Clove-bark, I do not remember the rate neither do I well remember the rates of Europe Commodities; but I think the rate of Iron was not above four Dollars a Hundred. Captain Goodlud's Letter concluded thus, Trust none of them, for they are all Thieves, but Tace is Latin for a Candle. We understood afterwards that Captain Goodlud was robb'd of some Goods by one of the General's Men, and that he that robb'd him was fled into the Mountains, and could not be found while Captain Goodlud was here. But the Fellow returning back to the City some time after our arrival here, Raja Laut brought him bound to Captain Swan, and told him what he had done, desiring him to punish him for it as he pleased; but Captain Swan excused himself; and said it did not belong to him, therefore he would have nothing to do with it. However, the General Raja Laut, would not pardon him, but punished him according to their own Custom, which I did never see but at this time.

He was stript stark naked in the Morning at Sunrising, and bound to a Post, so that he could not stir Hand nor Foot, but as he was mov'd; and was placed with his Face Eastward against the Sun. In the Afternoon they turned his Face toward the West, that the Sun might still be in his Face; and thus he stood all Day, parcht in the Sun (which shines here excessively hot) and tormented with the Moskitos or Gnats: After this the General would have kill'd him, if Captain Swan had consented to it. I did never see any put to Death; but I believe they are barbarous enough in it: The General told us himself that he put two Men to Death in a Town where some of us were with him; but I heard not the manner of it. Their common way of punishing is to strip them in this manner, and place them in the Sun; but sometimes they lay them flat on their Backs on the Sand, which is very hot; where they remain a whole Day in the scorching Sun, with the Moskito's biting them all the time.

This action of the General in offering Captain Swan the punishment of the Thief, caus'd Captain Swan afterwards to make him the same offer of his Men, when any had offended the Mindanao Men: but the General left such Offenders to be punished by Captain Swan, as he thought convenient. So that for the least Offence Captain Swan punished his Men, and that in the sight of the Mindanaians; and I think sometimes only for revenge; as he did once punish his Chief Mate Mr. Teat, he that came Captain of the Bark to Mindanao. Indeed at that time Captain Swan had his Men as much under command as if he had been in a King's Ship; and had he known how to use his Authority, he might have led them to any Settlement, and have brought them to assist him in any design he had pleased.

Captain Swan being dismist from the Sultan, with abundance of civility, after about two Hours Discourse with him, went thence to Raja Laut's House. Raja Laut had then some difference with the Sultan, and therefore he was not present at the Sultan's reception of our Captain, but waited his return, and treated him and all his Men with boiled Rice and Fowls. He then told Captain Swan again, and urged it to him, that it would be best to get his Ship into the River as soon as he could, because of the usual tempestuous Weather at this time of the Year; and that he should want no assistance to further him in any thing. He told him also, that as we must of necessity stay here some time, so our Men would often come ashore; and he therefore desired him to warn his Men to be careful to give no afront to the Natives; who, he said, were very revengeful. That their Customs being different from ours, he feared that Captain Swan's Men might some time or other offend them, though ignorantly; that therefore he gave him this friendly warning, to prevent it: that his House should always be open to receive him or any of his Men, and that he knowing our Customs, would never be offended at any thing. After a great deal of such Discourse he dismist the Captain and his Company, who took their leave and came aboard.

Captain Swan having seen the two Letters, did not doubt but that the English did design to settle a Factory here: therefore he did not much scruple the honesty of these People, but immediately ordered us to get the Ship into the River. The River upon which the City of Mindanao stands is but small, and hath not above 10 or 11 Foot Water on the Bar at a Spring-tide: therefore we lightened our Ship, and the Spring coming on, we with much ado got her into the River, being assisted by 50 or 60 Mindanaian Fishermen, who liv'd at the Mouth of the River; Raja Laut himself being aboard our Ship to direct them. We carried her about a quarter of a Mile up, within the Mouth of the River, and there moored her, Head and Stern in a hole, where we always rode afloat. After this the Citizens of Mindanao came frequently aboard, to invite our Men to their Houses, and to offer us Pagallies. 'Twas a long time since any of us had received such Friendship, and therefore we were the more easily drawn to accept of their kindnesses; and in a very short time most of our Men got a Comrade or two, and as many Pagallies; especially such of us as had good Cloths, and store of Gold, as many had, who were of the number of those, that accompanied Captain Harris over the Isthmus of Darien, the rest of us being Poor enough. Nay, the very Poorest and Meanest of us could hardly pass the Streets, but we were even hal'd by Force into their Houses, to be treated by them; altho' their Treats were but mean, viz. Tobacco, or Betel-Nut, or a little sweet spiced Water. Yet their seeming Sincerity, Simplicity, and the manner of bestowing these Gifts, made them very acceptable. When we came to their Houses, they would always be praising the English, as declaring that the English and Mindanaians were all one. This they exprest by putting their two Fore-fingers close together, and saying, that the English and Mindanaians were samo, samo, [17] that is, all one. Then they would draw their Fore-fingers half a Foot asunder, and say the Dutch and they were Bugeto, which signifies so, that they were at such distance in point of Friendship: And for the Spaniards, they would make a greater Representation of distance than for the Dutch: Fearing these, but having felt, and smarted from the Spaniards, who had once almost brought them under.

Captain Swan did seldom go into any House at first, but into Raja Laut's. There he dined commonly every day; and as many of his Men as were ashore, and had no Money to Entertain themselves, resorted thither about 12 a Clock, where they had Rice enough boiled and well drest, and some scraps of Fowls, or bits of Buffaloe, drest very nastily. Captain Swan was served a little better, and his two trumpeters sounded all the time that he was at Dinner. After Dinner Raja Laut would sit and Discourse with him most part of the Afternoon. It was now that Ramdam time, therefore the General excused himself, that he could not Entertain our Captain with Dances, and other Pastimes, as he intended to do when this solemn Time was past; besides, it was the very height of the wet Season, and therefore not so proper for Pastimes.

We had now very tempestuous Weather, and excessive Rains, which so swell'd the River, that it overflowed its Banks; so that we had much ado to keep our Ship safe: For every now and then we should have a great Tree come floating down the River, and sometimes lodge against our Bows, to the endangering the breaking our Cables, and either the driving us in, over the Banks, or carrying us out to Sea; both which would have been very dangerous to us, especially being without Ballast.

The City is about a Mile long (of no great breadth) winding with the Banks of the River on the Right Hand going up, tho' it hath many Houses on the other side too. But at this time it seemed to stand as in a Pond, and there was no passing from one House to another but in Canoas. This tempestuous Rainy Weather happened the latter end of July, and lasted most part of August.

When the bad Weather was a little asswaged, Captain Swan hired a House to put our Sails and Goods in, while we careen'd our Ship. We had a great deal of Iron and Lead, which was brought ashore into this House. Of these Commodities Captain Swan sold to the Sultan or General, Eight or Ten Tuns, at the Rates agreed on by Captain Goodlud to be paid in Rice. The Mindanaians are no good Accomptants; therefore the Chinese that live here, do cast up their Accompts for them. After this Captain Swan bought Timber-trees of the General, and set some of our Men to Saw them into Planks, to Sheath the Ship's bottom. He had two Whip-Saws on Board, which he brought out of England, and four or five Men that knew the use of them, for they had been Sawyers in Jamaica.

When the Ramdam time was over, and the dry time set in a little, the General, to oblige Captain Swan, entertained him every Night with Dances. The dancing Women that are purposely bred up to it, and make it their Trade, I have already described. But beside them, all the Women in general are much addicted to Dancing. They Dance 40 or 50 at once; and that standing all round in a Ring, joined Hand in Hand, and Singing and keeping time. But they never budge out of their places, nor make any motion till the Chorus is Sung; then all at once they throw out one Leg, and bawl out aloud; and sometimes they only Clap their Hands when the Chorus is Sung. Captain Swan, to retaliate the General's Favours, sent for his Violins, and some that could Dance English Dances; wherewith the General was very well pleased. They commonly spent the biggest part of the Night in these sort of Pastimes.

Among the rest of our Men that did use to Dance thus before the General, there was one John Thacker, who was a Seaman bred, and could neither Write nor Read; but had formerly learnt to Dance in the Musick-Houses about Wapping: This Man came into the South Seas with Captain Harris, and getting with him a good quantity of Gold, and being a pretty good Husband of his Share, had still had some left, besides what he laid out in a very good Suit of Cloaths. The General supposed by his Garb and his Dancing, that he had been of noble Extraction; and to be satisfy'd of his Quality, asked of our Men, if he did not guess aright of him? The Man of whom the General asked this Question told him, he was much in the right; and that most of our Ship's Company were of the like Extraction; especially all those that had fine Cloaths; and that they came aboard only to see the World, having Money enough to bear their expences where-ever they came; but that for the rest, those that had but mean Clothes, they were only common Seamen. After this, the General shew'd a great deal of Respect to all that had good Clothes, but especially to John Thacker, till Captain Swan came to know the Business, and marr'd all; undeceiving the General, and drubbing the Noble-Man: For he was so much incensed against John Thacker, that he could never indure him afterwards; tho' the poor Fellow knew nothing of the Matter.

About the middle of November we began to work on our Ship's bottom, which we found very much eaten with the Worm: For this is a horrid place for Worms. We did not know this till after we had been in the River a Month; and then we found our Canoas bottoms eaten like Honey-combs; our Bark, which was a single bottom, was eaten thro'; so that she could not swim. But our Ship was sheathed, and the Worm came no farther than the Hair between the sheathing Plank, and the main Plank. We did not mistrust the General's Knavery till now: for when he came down to our Ship, and found us ripping off the sheathing Plank, and saw the firm bottom underneath, he shook his Head, and seemed to be discontented; saying he did never see a Ship with two bottoms before. We were told that in this place, where we now lay, a Dutch Ship was eaten up in two months time, and the General had all her Guns; and it is probable he did expect to have had Ours: Which I do believe was the main Reason that made him so forward in assisting us to get our Ship into the River, for when we went out again we had no Assistance from him. We had no Worms till we came to this place: For when we Careen'd at the Marias, the Worm had not touch'd us; nor at Guam, for there we scrubb'd; nor after we came to the Island Mindanao; for at the S.E. end of the Island we heel'd and scrubb'd also. The Mindanaians are so sensible of their destructive Insects, that whenever they come from Sea, they immediately hale their Ship into a dry Dock, and burn her bottom, and there let her lye dry till they are ready to get to Sea again. The Canoas or Proes they hale up dry, and never suffer them to be long in the Water. It is reported that those Worms which get into a Ships bottom in the salt Water, will die in the fresh Water; and that the fresh Water Worms will die in Salt Water: but in brackish Water both sorts will increase prodigiously. Now this place where we lay was sometimes brackish Water, yet commonly fresh; but what sort of Worm this was I know not. Some Men are of Opinion, that these Worms breed in the Plank; but I am perswaded they breed in the Sea: For I have seen Millions of them swimming in the Water, particularly in the Bay of Panama; for there Captain Davis, Captain Swan and my self, and most of our Men, did take notice of them divers times, which was the reason of our Cleaning so often while we were there: and these were the largest Worms that I did ever see. I have also seen them in Virginia, and in the Bay of Campeachy; in the latter of which places the Worms eat prodigiously. They are always in Bays, Creeks, Mouths of Rivers, and such places as are near the shore; being never found far out at Sea, that I could ever learn: yet a Ship will bring them lodg'd in its Plank for a great way.

Having thus ript off all our Worm-eaten Plank, and clapt on new, by the beginning of December 1686, our Ships bottom was sheathed and tallowed, and the 10th Day went over the Bar, and took aboard the Iron and Lead that we could not sell, and began to fill our Water, and fetch aboard Rice for our Voyage: But C. Swan remain'd ashore still, and was not yet determin'd when to sail, or whither. But I am well assured that he did never intend to Cruise about Manila, as his Crew designed; for I did once ask him, and he told me, That what he had already done of that kind he was forc'd to; but now being at Liberty, he would never more Engage in any such Design: For, said he, there is no Prince on Earth is able to wipe off the Stain of such Actions. What other Designs he had I know not, for he was commonly very Cross; yet he did never propose doing any thing else, but only ordered the Provision to be got Aboard in order to Sail; and I am confident if he had made a motion to go to any English Factory, most of his Men would have consented to it, tho' probably some would have still opposed it. How ever, his Authority might soon have over-sway'd those that were Refractory; for it was very strange to see the Awe that these Men were in of him, for he punished the most stubborn and daring of his Men. Yet when we had brought the Ship out into the Road, they were not altogether so submissive, as while it lay in the River, tho' even then it was that he punished Captain Teat.

I was at that time a Hunting with the General for Beef, which he had a long time promised us. But now I saw that there was no Credit to be given to his Word; for I was a Week out with him and saw but four Cows, which were so wild, that we did not get one. There were five or six more of our Company with me; these who were young Men, and had Dalilahs there, which made them fond of the Place, all agreed with the General to tell Captain Swan, that there were Beeves enough, only they were wild. But I told him the Truth, and advised him not to be too credulous of the General's Promises. He seemed to be very angry, and stormed behind the General's Back, but in his Presence was very mute, being a Man of small Courage.

It was about the 20th Day of December when we returned from Hunting, and the General designed to go again to another place to Hunt for Beef; but he stayed till after Christmas-day, because some of us designed to go with him; and Captain Swan had desired all his Men to be aboard that Day, that we might keep it solemnly together: And accordingly he sent aboard a Buffaloe the Day before, that we might have a good Dinner. So the 25th Day about 10 a Clock, Captain Swan came aboard, and all his Men who were ashore: For you must understand that near a third of our Men lived constantly ashore, with their Comrades and Pagallies, and some with Women servants, whom they hired of their Masters for Concubines. Some of our Men also had Houses, which they hired or bought, for Houses are very cheap, for five or six Dollars. For many of them having more Money than they knew what to do with, eased themselves here of the trouble of telling it, spending it very lavishly, their prodigality making the People impose upon them, to the making the rest of us pay the dearer for what we bought, and to the endangering the like impositions upon such Englishmen as may come here hereafter. For the Mindanaians knew how to get our Squires Gold from them (for we had no Silver,) and when our Men wanted Silver, they would change now and then an Ounce of Gold, and could get for it no more than 10 or 11 Dollars for a Mindanao Ounce, which they would not part with again under 18 Dollars. Yet this, and the great prices the Mindanaians set on their Goods, were not the only way to lessen their stocks; for their Pagallies and Comrades would often be begging somewhat of them, and our Men were generous enough, and would bestow half an Ounce of Gold at a time, in a Ring for their Pagallies, or in a Silver Wrist-band, or Hoop to come about their Arms, in hopes to get a Nights Lodging with them.

When we were all aboard on Christmas-day, Captain Swan and his two Merchants; I did expect that Captain Swan would have made some proposals, or have told us his designs; but he only dined and went ashore again, without speaking any thing of his Mind. Yet even then I do think that he was driving on a design, of going to one of the Spice Islands, to load with Spice; for the Young Man before mentioned, who I said was sent by his Unkle, the Sultan of a Spice Island near Ternate, to invite the English to their Island, came aboard at this time, and after some private Discourse with Captain Swan, they both went ashore together. This Young Man did not care that the Mindanaians should be privy to what he said. I have heard Captain Swan say that he offered to load his Ship with Spice, provided he would build a small Fort, and leave some Men to secure the Island from the Dutch; but I am since informed, that the Dutch have now got possession of the Island.

The next Day after Christmas the General went away again, and five or six Englishmen with him, of whom I was one, under pretence of going a hunting; and we all went together by Water in his Proe, together with his Women and Servants, to the hunting place. The General always carried his Wives and Children, his Money and Goods with him: so we all imbarked in the Morning, and arrived there before Night. I have already described the fashion of their Proes, and the Rooms made in them. We were entertained in the General's Room or Cabbin. Our Voyage was not so far, but that we reached our Port before Night.

At this time one of the General's Servants had offended, and was punished in this manner: He was bound fast flat on his Belly, on a Bamboe belonging to the Proe, which was so near the Water, that by the Vessel's motion, it frequently delved under Water, and the Man along with it; and sometimes when hoisted up, he had scarce time to blow before he would be carried under Water again.

When we had rowed about two Leagues, we entered a pretty large deep River, and rowed up a League further, the Water salt all the way. There was a pretty large Village, the Houses built after the Country fashion. We landed at this place, where there was a House made ready immediately for us. The General and his Women lay at one end of the House, and we at the other end, and in the Evening all the Women in the Village danced before the General.

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