The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898
Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the close of the nineteenth century,
Volume XVIII, 1617-1620
Edited and annotated by Emma Helen Blair and James Alexander Robertson with historical introduction and additional notes by Edward Gaylord Bourne.
CONTENTS OF VOLUME XVIII
Preface 9 Documents of 1617-1618
Letter to Felipe III. Andres de Alcaraz; Manila, August 10, 1617. 31 Trade between Nueva Espana and the Far East. [Unsigned and undated; ca. 1617]. 57 Events in the Filipinas Islands, 1617-18 [Unsigned; Manila], June, 1618. 65 Description of the Philippinas Islands. [Unsigned]; Manila, 1618. 93 Dutch factories and posts in the Orient. [Pedro de Heredia]; [1618?]. 107 Memorial regarding Manila hospital. [Unsigned]; Manila, 1618. 112 Letter to Felipe III. Alonso Fajardo de Tenza; Cavite, August 10, 1618. 116 Letters to Fajardo. Felipe III; Madrid, December 19, 1618. 150 Filipinas menaced by Dutch. Joan de Ribera, S.J.; Manila, December 20, 1618. 161
Documents of 1619-1620
Philippine ships and shipbuilding. Sebastian de Pineda; [Mexico? 1619]. 169 Royal decree regarding religious expelled from their orders. Felipe III; Madrid, February 19, 1619. 189 Proposal to destroy Macao. Diego Aduarte, O.P.; [Madrid? 1619]. 194 Relation of events in the Filipinas Islands, 1618-19. [Unsigned]; Manila, July 12, 1619. 204 Letter to Felipe III. Pedro de Arce; Manila, July 30, 1619. 235 Letter to Felipe III. Alonso Fajardo de Tenza; Manila, August 10, 1619. 247 Grant to seminary of Santa Potenciana. Juan Onez, and others; Manila, 1617-19. 282 Reforms needed in Filipinas (to be concluded). Hernando de los Rios Coronel; [Madrid?], 1619-20. 289
Bibliographical Data. 345
Plan of the city of Goa and its environs; photographic facsimile of engraving in Bellin's Petit atlas maritime ([Paris], 1764), no. 29, from copy in library of Wisconsin Historical Society. 199 View of the city of Manila; photographic facsimile of engraving in Spilbergen and Le Maire's Speculum orientalis occidentalisque Indiae navigationum (French edition, 1621), no. 18, facing p. 86, from copy in Library of Congress. 225 Autograph signature of Fernando de Los Rios; photographic facsimile from original MS. in Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla. 343
The scope of the present volume extends from 1617 to 1620. The islands are still ravaged at intervals by the Moro pirates from the southern part of the archipelago. Even worse are the losses to the commerce of the islands inflicted by the Dutch; their ships infest the seas about Luzon, and those of the Moluccas, in which region they are steadily and even rapidly gaining foothold, and securing the best commerce of those lands. Corruption in the management of the Spanish interests in the Spice Islands renders them an expensive and embarrassing possession; and the new governor, Fajardo, finds the same influence at work in the Spanish colony itself, especially among the auditors and other high officials. The colonial treasury is, as usual, short of funds, and can do little to defend the islands from the Dutch; the Madrid government is unwilling to spend much more on the Philippines, although beset with importunities to save that colony, and Spanish commerce generally, from the insolent Dutch. The usual building of ships in the islands has so harrassed and exhausted the unfortunate natives that it is necessary to have ships built for the Philippines in India and other countries where timber and labor are more abundant. The trade of the colony with China is the object of much discussion, and proposals are again made to restrict it, as well as that with Nueva Espana, in order to protect the commercial interests of the mother-country. In the final document is a detailed statement, in vigorous language, of the abuses current in the administration of the islands—arbitrary and oppressive conduct of the auditors, corruption among officials, extravagant expenditure of public funds, lax enforcement of laws, burdensome exactions imposed upon the Indians, and Chinese, etc.; for these the citizens demand redress, prevention, and relief.
Andres de Alcaraz, the auditor in charge of military affairs after Silva's death, writes to the king (August 10, 1617). The ships could not go to Nueva Espana in 1616, because the Dutch were lying in wait for them; but the Acapulco galleon arrives safely at Manila, and brings money to relieve the general distress. Alcaraz makes ready, although in the midst of great difficulties, a fleet to drive away the Dutch. On April 14, 1617, this Spanish fleet has a battle with the Dutch squadron at Playa Honda. After a long and fierce contest, the enemy take to flight, having lost several ships and much artillery, and many of their men being killed or wounded. As soon as possible thereafter, Alcaraz sends supplies to the Spanish forts in Ternate; recalls Geronimo de Silva to Manila, to act as governor ad interim; and despatches pilots to meet the fleet that is coming from Spain via Cape of Good Hope. He criticizes Geronimo de Silva for his harshness and arrogance, already displayed in many ways. Alcaraz thanks the king for permitting him to resign his position as auditor and return to Spain; and explains why he has not yet vacated his office. He mentions the Philippine officials who have merited special rewards from the crown, especially those who were prominent in the battle of Playa Honda. Reenforcements of men have come from Spain, but with them was no money; and the treasury of the islands is entirely empty. Its debts are heavy, and aid is urgently requested. Through sickness and absence, there are no auditors of the Audiencia in active service, except Alcaraz himself.
A document unsigned and undated [ca. 1617] discusses the trade of the Spanish colonies with China and Japan. This trade advances the interests of religion in those heathen lands. Its character, methods, and results are described in orderly array of interesting facts—first in a general survey, then in details regarding each colony; and finally in comparisons between the commerce of those colonies respectively with China and Japan. Eastern India depends on this trade for its maintenance and preservation; and the customs duties therefrom cause larger profits to the crown than do those from the other colonies. This income will be greatly increased, for both Castilla and Portugal, if Nueva Espana and Filipinas be no longer allowed to trade with China and Japan. The writer (apparently one of the king's councilors) suggests various expedients for attaining this end, and closes by urging the king to confine the Filipinas merchants to trade with Nueva Espana.
The events of the year from June, 1617, to June, 1618, are chronicled by some unnamed writer (apparently one of the Jesuits in Manila). The battle of Playa Honda deals such a blow to the Dutch power in the archipelago that the natives in some of the Malucas Islands rebel against it. A small English post is destroyed by the Dutch; and their ships that flee from Playa Honda go to Japan. Their adventures in that country are detailed. Some Dutch ships come again to the coast of Luzon, and plunder the Chinese trading vessels as they appear; the Spaniards cannot prevent this, as their galleons are laid up for repairs. A shipload of supplies for the garrison and the missions at Ternate is sent from Manila; the master of the ship, taking advantage of the absence on shore of part of the passengers and men, steals away with the ship and its cargo. The Jesuits secure a new supply of food for their mission, by soliciting alms. The islands still suffer from the depredations of the Moro pirates. The writer describes the special festivities in honor of the Virgin Mary, and the martyrdom of some missionaries in Japan. He then proceeds to relate the particulars of the murder of the Augustinian provincial, Vicente Sepulveda, by some of his own friars, and the punishment of the criminals. A postscript to this letter states that the ships sent to Ternate with supplies had been attacked by the Dutch; and part of the crew were killed and wounded, and much of the food lost. Other supplies, however, have been sent to Ternate from India. The prince of Tidore has become hostile to the Dutch. One Sequeira makes an unsuccessful voyage, and dies in Cochin. The new governor of the Philippines arrives at Manila in July, 1618.
Of nearly the same date is a descriptive account of the Philippine Islands, their inhabitants, government, products, etc.—including a statement of the number of Indian tributes in each island, which amount in all to 160,000. The writer notes various matters relating to the interests and social condition of the Spanish colony, especially the need of vigorous measures to punish the Moro pirates, who continually harass the Pintados.
Pedro de Heredia, a Spanish official in the Moluccas, furnishes to the king (1618) a list of the Dutch factories and forts in the Orient; from this, and the value of the products annually exported thence, it is evident that the Dutch have gained an extensive footing and prestige in the Far East, together with rich profits, while the Spaniards have lost the best part of their former commerce there. The king is urged to consider these matters, and take measures to remedy the present state of affairs.
A former steward of the royal hospital at Manila memorializes the Council of the Indias (1618) regarding the losses incurred by that institution through the mismanagement of its funds; and various orders conducive to the improvement of the hospital are thereupon given by the Council.
Soon after his arrival in the islands the new governor, Alonso Fajardo de Tenza, writes to the king (August 10, 1618) regarding the state of affairs there. He finds the colony suffering from various recent disasters, and much fear and uncertainty among the people. He implores aid from the king to maintain the Philippine colony and defend it from its enemies. He is endeavoring to make the most of his scanty naval torce, in the face of news that hostile fleets are coming to attack the islands; and has sent to Nueva Espana to ask for reenforcements and supplies. His predecessor, Geronimo de Silva, desires to go to Spain; but the Audiencia orders an investigation of his official conduct, especially in regard to the loss of the galleons. Fajardo recommends that more care be taken to provide suitably for an ad interim government of the islands, when such shall occur; and declines certain perquisites of his office. Much resentment against the Audiencia is felt among the people, since the best offices and incomes in the islands are appropriated by relatives and dependents of the auditors, who seem bent on exploiting the colony for their own profit, and oppress the inhabitants; and Fajardo asks the king to check their selfishness and arrogance. He is trying to correct certain illegal proceedings by the auditors in their recent government ad interim, and asks the king to suspend his confirmation of these until he can send further information thereon; he makes the same request in regard to other cases where certain persons are intriguing to obtain profitable appointments. He asks for skilled clerks and galley-masters; and, after recounting the injuries caused to the Indians by the building of galleys in the islands, he states that he will endeavor to procure vessels in Portuguese India. Some private persons in the islands are building ships, but the Indian labor employed thereon is paid and voluntary. Fajardo makes some suggestions for the better management of naval affairs. He also forwards the request of Manila citizens that encomiendas be granted for three lives; and asks for rewards for certain brave military and naval officers. The Audiencia finally compel Geronimo de Silva to furnish his residencia in person, and clear himself from charges made against him.
To the governor's letter are appended several others, which concern Malucan affairs. Manuel Ribeyra, a Jesuit, states that the governor there, Gaviria, has fortified the Spanish posts in his care, which are in unusually good condition; certain supplies, however, are needed for them, as also a better class of subaltern officers. Gaviria is somewhat overbearing in disposition, but Ribeyra commends his ability. That officer himself writes to Fajardo, explaining why he cannot at present fill the governor's order for a quantity of cloves. The Dutch and English are contending with each other in the Moluccas; and the former, it is said, are intending to attack the Spanish forts there soon. Gaviria has but few men, and some of these are unfit for duty. He needs a few galleys, as he has "only one rotten galliot"; also troops, money, and clothing. Gaviria thinks that the Dutch are being to some extent supplanted by the English; and that the latter will gladly unite with the Spaniards against the common enemy. He recommends the abandonment of the Spanish posts in Gilolo. A letter from the king of Tidore accompanies Gaviria's letter, in which that ruler demands that Fajardo succor the Spanish forts promptly.
Letters from the king to Fajardo (December 19, 1618) give him orders regarding certain matters in the administration of the Philippine government. Offices shall be given to these citizens of the islands who deserve rewards for meritorious services. The alarming expenses of the Maluco establishment are not counterbalanced by any returns from the spice-trade there, and it is openly declared that the Spanish officials have embezzled what profits might have accrued therefrom to the royal treasury. Fajardo is therefore ordered to investigate this matter and punish those who may be guilty; and to take charge, for the present, of the conduct of the clove-trade at Ternate. The force of men there should be reduced, if practicable; and certain forts in Maluco should be abandoned. In these and other ways expenses must be reduced. The governor and the archbishop must warn the religious orders to cease their exactions upon the Indians. A separate letter warns the governor that expenses must be reduced to the utmost; and that he must maintain the colony on its own revenues, without aid from the government. He is advised to endeavor to open and work the mines in the islands; but in doing so he must not molest or injure the Indians. He should endeavor to enlist their aid in this undertaking, and the missionaries should use their influence with the natives.
The Jesuit Joan de Ribera writes to some high official in Spain (December 20, 1618), urging the importance of Manila and the Philippines, and the necessity of opposing the progress that the Dutch are making in India, Japan, and the archipelago, so as to preserve for Spain the rich trade of the East. Another most important consideration is the need of maintaining these islands as a center for religious labors among the heathen tribes.
A naval officer, Sebastian de Pineda, sends from Nueva Espana (1619) to the king a paper on ships and shipbuilding in the Philippines. He begins by describing various kinds of timber used for this purpose; then enumerates, the shipyards in the islands, and the wages paid to the workmen. Fourteen hundred carpenters were formerly employed at one time in the Cavite shipyard alone; but half of them were killed or captured by the Moros in 1617, many have died from overwork, and many others have fled to parts unknown because they had been unpaid for five years. Iron is brought to Manila from China and Japan, and wrought by the Chinese and Indian artisans; the Chinese smith "works from midnight until sunset," and earns less than one real a day. Iron should be imported from Biscay, however, for some special purposes. Much useful information is given as to the material, quality, and prices of rigging and canvas. Pineda makes recommendations as to the shipment to Manila of various articles, showing how present expenses may be lessened, and waste avoided, in many ways. He states that the naval defense of the islands is quite inadequate, and they are consequently in danger of being seized by the Dutch. But it is at present impossible to build in the islands the ships needed there; for the natives are exhausted by the labors and exactions imposed upon them in previous years, and by the deaths of so many at the hands of the enemy or through the hardships of enforced naval service. Pineda recommends that the ships needed for the islands be built in India or Cochin, and that slaves be brought thence to serve on the Philippine galleys. Many Filipino natives are migrating to Nueva Espana, which should be checked. One reason for this is the fact that these Filipinos distil palm-wine, which will soon ruin the wine-trade of Spain in Nueva Espana. The incursions of the Mindanao pirates have also been a serious obstacle to shipbuilding in the Philippines; and they have rendered the use of La Caldera, as a station for the Spanish vessels, impossible, while they welcome the Dutch to their shores. Pineda recommends that the king proclaim that any one who wishes may wage war upon and enslave these Mindanao infidels, as thus only can they be subdued. He ends with a report on the measurements of the galleons in the islands in 1617.
A royal decree dated February 19, 1619, confirms the ordinance enacted by the dean and cabildo of Manila cathedral, refusing benefices and ecclesiastical dignities to religious who have been expelled from their orders.
The Dominican missionary Diego Aduarte proposes to the Council of the Indias (probably in May, 1619) a means to check the outflow of silver from Nueva Espana to the Philippines. Aduarte recommends that the trade of the islands with Nueva Espana be suppressed, and that their inhabitants be allowed to trade with Japan, selling in that country the silks that they buy from the Chinese. But the bulk of this trade is already in the hands of the Portuguese of Macao; in order that it may be monopolized by Manila, Aduarte advises that Macao be abandoned, and its inhabitants transported to other cities of India. This can be accomplished easily by a royal decree forbidding them to engage in the Japanese trade, which would compel them to go elsewhere. He enumerates the beneficial results of this measure, and declares that even without these Macao should be abandoned; for its people are lawless and irreligious, and are not even vassals of Spain, but of China. The Portuguese of Macao are needed in India, which country would be benefited in many ways by the measure proposed, as also would the kingdoms of Spain and Portugal. Moreover, they hinder, by their evil example, the conversion of the Chinese natives.
One of the Manila Jesuits writes (July 12, 1619) an account of events in the Philippines and in the neighboring countries during the past year. The city of Bassein, near Bombay, has been destroyed by storms and earthquakes. In China there has been a persecution of the Christians, and four Jesuits were expelled from the empire. Others remain there, who are preaching the gospel wherever they can. In certain inland districts, these missionaries have encountered a large colony of Jews, and a people who worship the cross, although they are heathens. The Tartars have invaded Chinese territory, and our writer copies the text of a memorial regarding this invasion, sent by the mandarins of Pekin to the ruler of China, detailing the defeats and misfortunes suffered by the Chinese. They complain of his neglect of public affairs, and his harsh treatment of a certain mandarin, and ask him to take measures to drive back the Tartars, in Cochinchina the recently-begun missions of the Jesuits are prospering. For the Japanese mission are coming a large reenforcement of Jesuit missionaries; but affairs there are so disturbed that they cannot enter the country at present. The writer recounts various omens and portents which are said to have occurred in China and Japan. In the latter country, a fierce persecution of the Christians serves but to display the steadfastness and zeal of both the missionaries and their converts. Several naval encounters between the Dutch and the English and Portuguese are narrated. Good news comes from the Moluccas: the petty king of Manados, with many of his chiefs, is converted to the Christian faith; Tidore and Ternate are at war; and Maluco is well supplied. Both Dutch and Spaniards are building more forts in those islands. Other European nations also are acquiring a foothold in the archipelago. The writer describes two remarkable comets which have been visible in Manila. A plague of locusts is destroying the grain-crops. In October, 1618, the Dutch again come to Luzon to plunder the Chinese merchant vessels; but they do not attack Manila, and in the following spring they depart from the islands, perhaps overawed by the forces of ships and guns which the Spaniards collect.
Pedro de Arce, bishop of Cebu, writes to the king (July 30, 1619); he praises Governor Fajardo, and asks the king to send more ships to his aid. The bishop asks permission to resign his see, and more salary as acting archbishop; recommends Pedro de Heredia to the king; asks that an ad interim appointment in the cathedral may receive royal confirmation, and that the Cebu church may receive a grant for repairs and further income. He requests that the ecclesiastical cabildo of Manila may be authorized to rule the archbishopric, in case of the death of the archbishop. It is reported that the Jesuits are endeavoring to oust the other orders from Japan, which Arce deprecates, advising the king to confirm the appointment of the Franciscan Luis Sotelo as bishop of eastern Japan. Arce's requests regarding the archbishopric of Manila are seconded by various papers appended to his letter, embodying the opinions of the auditors and royal officials thereon, who support Arce's claims.
A letter from Fajardo to the king (August 10, 1619) gives his report on various matters of importance. He has received certain reenforcements and supplies from Mexico, but urges that these be sent every year. He describes the last incursion of the Dutch in Philippine waters, and his military preparations by which they were obliged to retreat thence. His resources for defense are small, and he cannot depend upon India for aid, as the Portuguese there are themselves in straits; accordingly, the king must send a fleet from Spain for the aid of the islands. He has aided Ternate to the best of his ability, and will send more when he can. The governor there has resigned his post, after many complaints of his rule; Fajardo has made a temporary appointment, and asks the king to provide further for this post. The English in the archipelago are engaged in conflicts with the Dutch, and it is rumored that the former would like to ally themselves with the Spaniards to fight their mutual foe. Fajardo is perplexed regarding the king of Ternate, who is still held a prisoner at Manila; and asks for instructions. He makes various recommendations and requests concerning the appointment of certain subordinates, desiring to secure persons most fit therefor. He has attempted to correct abuses in the government, which he recounts in detail. Fajardo has been annoyed by constant quarrels in the Audiencia, but, with the somewhat reluctant aid of the old auditor Alcaraz, has been able to quiet them in part. He has found in both Alcaraz and the archbishop Serrano, most judicious and helpful counselors; but the other auditors are on bad terms with him, and one of them has a scandalous reputation, both public and private. A scandal has occurred in the seminary of Santa Potenciana, but the guilty have been punished. Conflicts of jurisdiction have arisen between Fajardo and the Audiencia, especially in regard to the trials of soldiers and sailors for crimes. The governor complains that retired officers refuse to serve in the regular companies; and asks that extra pay be allowed them as an inducement for such service. He asks for directions as to his sending the usual gifts to the emperor of Japan. The loyalty and bravery of the Spanish citizens of Manila are warmly commended, especially in the case of Juan Ronquillo and some others who are named. Certain intrigues and frauds have been detected, which are recounted. Fajardo recommends that more Jesuits be sent to the islands; he complains that the Dominicans are too ready to leave their work, but commends the Augustinians. A short document appended to Fajardo's letter concerns the relative merits of the routes to Filipinas via Cape of Good Hope and Cape Horn respectively.
A group of papers dated 1610-19 shows that an encomienda of Indians was granted to the seminary of Santa Potenciana for its support, in consequence of the destitution suffered by its inmates.
An important document is that sent—in two memorials, of 1619 and March, 1620, respectively—to the king by Hernando de los Rios Coronel, long procurator-general of the Filipinas, on "reforms needed" in the islands—of which he has been despatched by the citizens to inform the king. Accordingly, he writes (apparently at Madrid) a detailed statement of the "matters that demand reform." Serious losses of life and property have been caused by the delays in despatching the trading ships from Manila; the governors should be compelled to send them at the favorable season. The officials on these vessels should be appointed from among the deserving citizens of the islands, and not be the relatives or servants of the governor or other royal officials. The citizens have been greatly defrauded in the assignment of lading on the galleons, and too much of this is granted to charitable institutions. The trading ships should not be used for any other purposes. The Manila authorities buy ammunition and other supplies in China, which, "in order not to anger the Portuguese in Macan," they buy from them rather than from the natives, but the supplies thus cost three times their value; the agent who buys them should buy wherever he can do so to the best advantage, and directly from the Chinese. The royal ships should be built in India, and the burden of enforced service in this work should be removed from the Indians. Commerce from Japan to Nueva Espana should be stopped; and Spaniards should not be allowed to man Japanese vessels. An enemy can close Manila harbor to all vessels desiring to enter; another route to it should therefore be devised and made available. The Moro pirates must be prevented from harassing the islands, and the best means for this end is to proclaim that any one who will may capture and enslave those pirates. No royal official should be allowed to attend the session of the Audiencia in which a case concerning him is tried. When Filipino natives serve as soldiers, their families should during their absence be relieved from tributes and other impositions. The ecclesiastical affairs of the Malucas should be under the jurisdiction of Cebu, not of Goa. The commanders of the trading ships should not be allowed to carry on the trade that they now do; and the officials at Acapulco should be checked in making extortionate charges. Ignorant and inefficient men should not be placed in the ships as sailors. The common seamen therein (who are Filipino natives) are inhumanly treated, and many of them die from hunger, thirst, or cold, on each voyage. Slave women are carried on the ships, in spite of the royal prohibition; and thus arise "many acts offensive to God," and much cause for scandal. No sailor or passenger (unless a person of rank) should be allowed to take with him more than one male slave. Numerous other abuses are mentioned, regarding the traffic in slaves, the treatment of seamen, and the overloading of ships. The Chinese at Manila are oppressed by the royal officials—who, moreover, appropriate their own household supplies of food from the royal storehouses at the lowest possible prices. Municipal officers and other leading citizens should not be compelled, as now, to live on their encomiendas. Flour, rigging, and many other supplies should be obtained in the islands, instead of being imported from Nueva Espana; a great saving of money would be thus effected. The oppressive acts of the friars toward the Indians should be checked; and no more orders should be allowed to establish themselves in the islands. The Chinese immigrants in Luzon should be collected in one community, and induced to cultivate the soil. No relative or dependent of any royal official should be allowed to hold a seat in the cabildo of Manila, or to act as inspector of the Chinese trading vessels. More religious are needed in the missions. The Chinese residents should be treated more justly, and relieved from burdensome exactions. The Japanese who come to Manila should be compelled to return to their own country. No more ships should be built by the natives, and they should be paid the arrearages which are due them.
The other memorial by Rios Coronel (March, 1620) is additional and supplementary to the former one. He asks that regidors of Manila be chosen by the Audiencia, and allowed some compensation for their services; and that the governor be not allowed to compel the cabildo to meet in his house. He blames the friars for transferring Indians from the encomiendas to settlements near Manila, where these natives are kept merely for the profit of the friars, and, moreover, become greatly demoralized. The grant of licenses to Chinamen to reside in the islands should be more carefully regulated; and they should in no case be allowed to sleep within the walls of Manila. The Japanese are also an undesirable element of the population, and their coming to the islands should be restricted. The "commons," or reserve supplies of rice, contributed by the Indians do them no good, for these are plundered by the Spanish officials; and the number of these oppressors has been unduly increased. Other injuries are inflicted upon the natives, for whose protection the writer pleads; and these unjust acts are committed by both the officials and the religious. Rios Coronel objects to the practice in vogue of giving the Indians military training; and to the traffic in slaves from Malacca, which brings to the Philippines dangerous and criminal blacks. Public suits should be tried and decided in the Audiencia, and not sent to Mexico. The governors should not be allowed to treat the citizens with insolence; and should be obliged to send the trading ships to Mexico at the right season, in order to avoid the present frequent loss of property and lives in wrecked vessels. Another cause of these losses is the culpable neglect and recklessness of royal officials and governors. Various abuses in the equipment, lading, and management of the trading vessels are pointed out, with the corrective measures that should be taken. The fertile and healthful province of Nueva Segovia is neglected, and its population is decreasing; this should be remedied by the colonial authorities. Rios Coronel asks for the appointment of a competent and reliable shore-master to aid him in the equipment and despatch of the ships, and for more thorough inspection of what is done by royal officials in the islands; for the latter purpose he recommends a choice from several ecclesiastics whom he names. The Moro pirates still ravage the islands, and the king should permit them to be enslaved by any one who may capture them. The head-hunting Zambales and Negrillos of Luzon continually harass the peaceable Pampangos; and this can only be stopped by allowing the Pampangos to enslave these foes when captured. The Filipino natives have been almost ruined by the exactions of forced labor imposed upon them by the Spaniards, especially in the building and navigation of vessels. Rios Coronel says: "As I have seen personally, and as all the inhabitants of that country know, the galleys of the Filipinas are their destruction." Rios Coronel describes the sort of vessel which should be used in the islands (one of which he has built at his own cost), and asks that such be furnished for the use of the colony. The garrison at Manila is insufficient and demoralized; and the writer makes various recommendations for improving its status. Many persons in the artillery service are incompetent; the writer demands a sort of civil-service test for those appointed to such places. He also asks for a competent artillery-founder. Better provisions should be made for the ecclesiastical government of the islands. He asks that silver bullion from Japan may be legalized as money in the Philippines; and concludes with the request that the religious and the officials there be compelled to treat the Indians more kindly. A letter by Rios Coronel, included in this document, is deferred to Vol. XIX.
The Editors August, 1904.
DOCUMENTS OF 1617-1618
Letter to Felipe III. Andres de Alcaraz; August 10, 1617. Trade between Nueva Espana and the Far East. [Unsigned and undated; ca. 1617]. Events in the Filipinas Islands, 1617-1618. [Unsigned]; June, 1618. Description of the Philippinas Islands. [Unsigned]; 1618. Dutch factories and posts in the Orient. [Pedro de Heredia]; [1618?]. Memorial regarding Manila hospital. [Unsigned]; 1618. Letter to Felipe III. Alonso Fajardo de Tenza; August 10, 1618. Letters to Fajardo. Felipe III; December 19, 1618. Filipinas menaced by Dutch. Joan de Ribera, S.J.; December 20, 1618.
Sources: The first, and last four, of these documents are obtained from MSS. in the Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla; the remainder, from MSS. in the Real Academia de la Historia, Madrid.
Translations: The first and seventh are translated by James A. Robertson; the second, third, and fourth, by Herbert E. Bolton, Ethel Z. Rather, and Mattie A. Austin, of the University of Texas; the remainder, by Robert W. Haight.
LETTER FROM LICENTIATE ALCARAZ TO FELIPE III
The enclosed papers were taken from the ships that were going last year to Nueva Espana. Those ships were despatched to make the voyage by way of Yndia; but as the Dutch enemy was lying at the entrances of this bay with his ten warships, it was not possible for the ships to leave, for it would have been only to have fallen, beyond all doubt, into his hands. In them I inform your Majesty of everything occurring up to their date. In this I shall inform you of what is new. The coming of this enemy caused the anxiety which was the reason—inasmuch as we had heard for a long time that he was coming; and that he would wait to seize the Chinese and Japanese ships, and prevent their entrance into the city with food—that, in order to frustrate those designs, I, with the advice of the Audiencia and the council of war, resolved to prepare seven galleons and to equip them as thoroughly as possible, so that they could go out to fight that enemy. When about to set this plan afoot, obstacles began to arise, because there was not a single real in the royal treasury, on account of the non-arrival of the ships from Nueva Espana; and because the country was in great need, and had no income except that collected from the licenses of the Sangleys. These were collected with great effort and difficulty, but the sum was all spent in a few days in the repair of these galleons. When there was nothing more to use, the ship expected from Nueva Espana arrived. It had put in at Japon, and brought more than eight hundred thousand pesos for the royal treasury and for the citizens. It was regarded as a great mercy of God that He should help this afflicted land in such necessity and extremity, and that He should keep this ship from falling into the hands of that enemy. After this the repairs and preparations of this fleet proceeded with great energy, and although innumerable obstacles continued to arise because the wood, rigging, rice, and other things necessary had to be conveyed by long detours, all difficulties were conquered by God's help. To Him recourse was always had, through all the religious orders and the religious, so that His [Divine] Majesty should be pleased to aid this [our] cause against those rebels to His church and sacrament, and to your Majesty, and disturbers of the common peace. These joyous causes furnished ecclesiastical and secular motive to request me, with loud and frequent acclamations of joy, to hasten as quickly as possible the preparation of this fleet. Notwithstanding that it was detained, they said that it could go out; for they were assured that, since we had so large galleons, that enemy would not dare to await it, and that the flagship and almiranta were alone sufficient to drive away that enemy and prevent the damages that were expected so close at hand. They said that the preparations that were intended to be made would be useless, for, when they were finished, then the enemy would have already gone to Terrenate, enriched with his booty from the Chinese ships; and that damage would result from delay, while great expenses would have to be met from the royal treasury. For my part, all these arguments, since they arose from loyal desires, without taking the trouble to show the irreparable injuries that would result from that course of action, caused me no care. I constantly attended to the repairing and preparation of this fleet as well as possible, including in it whatever your Majesty possesses in these islands. The reason that obliged me to lay great stress upon that enemy was that—since he knew that Don Juan de Silva had gone to Sincapura with a fleet of ten galleons, four galleys, and one patache—he, without knowing of the governor's death, came to look for him with an equal number of warships. These were chosen from twenty-two vessels, and equipped with the best artillery and men of arms and war in them all; and he dared to come within sight of our walls and very confidently was coming with his great force. Consequently I considered it best to prepare an armed fleet which, being such, might be able to fight with his. Not of less consideration was the fact that we are in the view of so many barbarous nations, who esteem and extol him who conquers. Accordingly it was necessary to consider carefully not to place our reputation and credit in any danger, but that we should have as superior a fleet to his as could be collected, to go out to measure strength with the enemy; for in this case what was once branded  could not be effaced.
The final reason that caused me to arm those galleons with the best forces that could he assembled was the consideration that the enemy should not go out victorious because your Majesty did not possess in this land the means with which we could construct a fleet in many years; and if we drove the enemy's fleet away and punished him as his boldness and arrogance merited, he would have to lay aside his desire for returning to these islands, and would leave them quiet and peaceful, and free from the dangers that his coming threatened. With this resolution conquering great difficulties with the help of God, who always favored this His cause, the fleet of seven galleons, one patache, and three galleys was prepared. In order to man them with the rowers that were needed, the citizens, Sangley Christians, and some Indians lent two hundred and twenty-three slaves. And as one hundred and fifty slaves were still wanting to man them sufficiently, and because there was so little revenue in the royal treasury, I made efforts to have the Sangley infidels supply this deficiency, inasmuch as they were the most interested in avoiding the damages caused by that enemy. They excused themselves from giving persons to serve in the galleys; but offered to give the money to pay those hired rowers who were willing to go. For this purpose the Sangleys themselves made a contribution of one peso apiece from all who had any money, and gave five thousand pesos. This sum they delivered to a regidor for the pay of any slave or freeman who was willing to serve on this occasion, to each one of whom twenty-five pesos would be given. With this sum one hundred and forty-seven rowers were gathered. Some new slaves were bought with this money and the others were paid twenty-five pesos apiece. One thousand five hundred and forty-five pesos of the five thousand pesos happened to be left, and this amount was spent for another matter of equal importance.
In order to equip these galleons and galleys—and that very moderately—we needed one thousand infantrymen; but all the islands could only furnish six hundred paid soldiers. In order to supply this lack, three hundred and eighty men were provided from the citizens of this city, and from captains, alferezes, and sergeants on half-pay—the captains numbering thirty-four, the alferezes one hundred and six, the sergeants eighty, and the common soldiers one hundred and sixty. These men showed a willingness to take service on this occasion for honor. But to fulfil their obligations they had not the means with which to buy any arms, or other supplies which were necessary to them. The report spread that, if the money were not given to them so that they could equip themselves, they could not embark. It was necessary to find a remedy for the loss that might result from this condition, and the one that seemed most suitable so that they might serve your Majesty with single-heartedness, was to assign as a gratuity to each captain one hundred pesos, to each alferez fifty, to each sergeant thirty-five, and to each common soldier twenty-five. But inasmuch as the royal treasury had nothing wherefrom to supply these gratuities, and they could not be avoided, thirty toneladas of the freightage for Nueva Espana were distributed, and were divided among the citizens who had capital. Each citizen was given one pieza  for twenty-five pesos. In this way six thousand pesos were raised, which, with the one thousand five hundred and forty-five pesos given by the Sangleys, amount to seven thousand five hundred and forty-five pesos. This money was given as a gratuity, with thirty-nine toneladas more and six piezas; figuring this at twenty-five pesos a pieza, all the help amounted to fifteen thousand five hundred pesos. This amount was regulated by giving to each captain fifty pesos and two piezas of the cargo; to each alferez, twenty-five pesos, and one pieza of the cargo; to each sergeant, ten pesos and one pieza of the cargo, and to each common soldier his twenty-five pesos.
To aid the seamen, who are a discontented class, there was no money. For after having aided the paid infantry, not a single peso was left in the royal treasury. Forty-six of the citizens lent twenty-two thousand seven hundred pesos and the treasury of the probate court [caxa de bienes de defuntos]  lent four thousand. A moderate amount of aid was furnished to those men by that means. After that, naught more was left to be done toward the suitable preparation of the royal fleet. May God be praised, who favored this cause so greatly, so that your Majesty might be better served. It can be thoroughly understood that to attempt any of these three things would give anxiety even to him who had considerable power of management; for the departure of the fleet to fight with the enemy depended on very careful management; while, on the contrary, it must remain in port if all the expenses incurred in its preparation had been carelessly planned. But it happened as we could have desired. When all necessary arrangements had been made, the bishop of Zibu, who has charge of this archbishopric, gave his blessing to the royal fleet. The fleet took as patroness the immaculate conception of our Lady, who was conceived without the stain of original sin. It left the port of Cavite in charge of Don Juan Rronquillo del Castillo,  on Saturday, on the eighth day of the month of April, one thousand six hundred and seventeen, to find the enemy, who was stationed at Playa Honda  with six vessels. There, in the past year of six hundred and sixteen, he was defeated by Governor Don Juan de Silva. Three ships of the enemy were thirty leguas in advance, on the look-out for Chinese vessels, while the last of his ten ships had been sent to Terrenate. On Thursday, the thirteenth of the said month, our fleet sighted four vessels [of the enemy's fleet]. They were lying by very carelessly, with two Chinese vessels that they had pillaged. Those two vessels ware carrying about three hundred thousand pesos' worth of merchandise. One of them the enemy had begun to rob, although only slightly. It was impossible to attack them, for wind was lacking. Thereupon the enemy very leisurely weighed anchor, but did not leave the Chinese ships until the next day. Then as the two fleets were about to engage, they left their prizes, in order not to be hindered by them. They had already been joined by two other vessels. Our royal flagship had got to windward. Near it, at eight in the morning, was the galleon "San Juan Bautista" under command of Admiral Pedro de Heredia (but he was not admiral of the fleet). The other galleons were to leeward. As the enemy saw so good an opportunity, he maneuvered his six ships, placing them in good order. His flagship passed within musket-shot of one side of the royal flagship and discharged its artillery. Answering them with another, as good and better, many volleys were fired without missing one shot, because the pieces were fired at so short a distance. Another ship passed, with the same good order, giving and taking its heavy volleys. The four other ships of those which I said were there, did the same. It was the greatest gallantry that I ever saw; for our galleon gave all those of the enemy so many volleys that it displayed excellently its great strength—as well as the injury received by the enemy, since he attempted nothing more on that day. On our side five men were killed and eight wounded. The following day, Saturday, the fifteenth of the same month of April, the two fleets got ready to fight, and ours got to windward. Orders were given for each galleon to grapple with one of the enemy—flagship with flagship, and the "San Juan Bautista" with the almiranta of the enemy; while the galleon "San Lorenzo" and the patache were to aid whichever boat they saw needed help; the galley flagship was to aid the royal flagship, and the other two galleys the galleon nearest them. The enemy was awaiting us in excellent order; and, signaling the other vessels to attack him, our first galleon, named "Nuestra Senora de Guadalupe," under Captain Juan Bautista de Molina, grappled; and then the royal flagship with that of the enemy; the galleon "San Juan Bautista" with their almiranta; the galleon "San Miguel," commanded by Rodrigo de Guillestigui, with the ship that fell to its lot; the galleon "San Lorenco," under Captain Juan de Acevedo, with another ship. As for the galleon "San Marcos," under Captain Don Juan de la Vega (one of the best ships of the fleet), and the galleon "San Phelipe," under Captain Sebastian de Madrid, these two did not grapple, although common report says that they could have done so had they made an effort. They fought a very fierce battle. The galleon "Nuestra Senora de Guadalupe" defeated its opponent, being aided by the galley under Captain Don Diego de Quinones; and the enemy having shown a flag of peace, soldiers from our side entered it in token of victory. The royal flagship, after having been grappled for more than two hours—the battle being fought with great gallantry on each side, each firing heavy volleys at the other, and the galley flagship aiding on its side—was reported to be leaking badly from the effect of certain volleys which it received at its water line. This forced it to throw off the grappling-irons and go away; while the enemy's ship refused to mind its helm, and, in a little more than half an hour, careened on one side and sank, without any of its cargo being seen. Forty or more men, among them the general, escaped in two lanchas. With great efforts they reached one of their ships. The galleon "San Miguel," after having fought with great courage, set fire to its opponent, a vessel of eight hundred toneladas, laden with cloth which they had stolen. The fire caught the main-sail, which was so quickly burned that the sail fell, on the yard, into the waist of the ship. The ship continued to burn so fiercely that it could not be quenched. All the men took to the sea, some in lanchas and others swimming, most of the latter being drowned. This burning ship drifted to where our galleon "Nuestra Senora de Guadalupe" was stationed. Near it was the captured galleon, and the burning vessel coming down upon the latter, set fire to it; and this one began to burn so furiously that the soldiers who had entered it escaped with difficulty, while some were burned. And, since our galley was not so near now, all, both Spaniards and Dutch, were drowned or burned. Then the first burning ship passed on. The galleon "San Juan Bautista" having almost captured the enemy's almiranta, the burning vessel bore down upon them both. Throwing off their grappling-irons with considerable difficulty, the fire forced them to ungrapple; and at once they separated, so that the fire might not injure them. Thereupon victory was declared, and the three hostile ships took to flight badly crippled. Their almiranta was so damaged that our people thought that it would surely sink. Those three vessels were pursued by the "San Marcos," and "San Phelipe," which were more to the windward, and by all the rest of the fleet. However, inasmuch as the royal flagship, the "San Juan Bautista," and the "San Miguel" and "Nuestra Senora de Guadalupe" were hardly used and leaking badly, they turned shoreward after midnight. In the morning the "San Marcos" and the "San Phelipe" found themselves alone, and somewhat separated, and found no traces of the enemy. Although they should have kept together, they did not do it, but each vessel acted by itself. The galleon "San Marcos" went to a place where two ships of the enemy were pillaging two other Chinese ships. When the enemy discovered it, one of his vessels went to reconnoiter it, while the other stayed behind with the vessels that they were pillaging. They commenced to fight and the battle lasted more than three hours, at the end of which the Dutch vessel withdrew and joined the other ship. Next day—that of San Marcos—the [Dutch] ship that had not fought came; it is understood that it was reenforced with men. Firing a quantity of chain-shot, it did considerable damage to our rigging; and as our main yard had fallen, our ship did not mind its helm well. Consequently, our galleon sustained serious injury at the stern, upon which its commander came to a very imprudent resolution—namely, to go in toward shore and anchor in twelve brazas of water, and there fight with the enemy. This was so carelessly executed that, upon throwing the anchor, they could not find bottom, whereupon they grounded the galleon in four brazas of water. The entire crew went ashore taking some things with them. None of the enemy disembarked. As the commander thought that the enemy could burn them with his lanchas, he made another decision as bad as the other, and set fire to his vessel. Thereby was lost the hull of the ship, which was especially good. The artillery and anchors were all taken out and most of them are ashore. The commander appears to be very blameworthy; and the investigation to punish him according to his offense is now being made. This devolves upon Don Geronimo de Silva, castellan and governor of the forts of Terrenate, to whom your Majesty has granted the office of captain-general because of the death of Governor Don Juan de Silva, until a proprietary governor is provided. All the rest of the fleet returned to the port of Cavite. The bad treatment received by the galleons from the many volleys, the sailors, soldiers, and artillery aboard them, and the dead and wounded, your Majesty can ascertain, if so pleased, from the charts accompanying this letter.
May God give your Majesty many most happy victories for His honor and glory and the welfare of all Christianity. Such may be expected, since in a land so destitute as this, and by means so weak as these now, His Divine Majesty was pleased to destroy the greatest fleet from Olanda ever seen in these districts; and at a juncture when, if the fleet sent by your Majesty by way of the cape of Buena Esperanca arrives safely, strong hopes may be entertained that it will drive that enemy from sea and land, because he has lost many men and ships, and more than ninety pieces of artillery. The best and largest of the cannon were taken from his fortresses, and he will have difficulty in replacing them. Although three pataches were prepared to take the usual help to the forts of Terrenate, the enemy did not allow them to sail from the port of Cavite. Considering the need and stress that the forts were in, and that they had only sufficient food to last until the end of September, as the castellan wrote, I ordered all the champans possible to be collected and prepared with great haste in Oton, eighty leguas from this city, and to be laden with rice, meat, wine, and other supplies. As champans are but insecure craft, and badly managed, inasmuch as they are manned by Sangleys, I sent some sailors to serve as pilots. Eight champans were prepared, of which six reached their destination, besides one despatched from Zebu. By all possible means I managed to succor those forts. They were made very happy by the help that reached them—for they were quite out of rice—and by the hopes that I gave them of the speedy sailing of a ship laden with food, clothing, and money. Thus the forts were provided sufficiently to enable them to await the help that was to be sent in the ship.
The viceroy of Nueva Espana despatched two advice-boats which reached these islands, early in February and in March. They brought your Majesty's papers for Don Juan de Silva, which the royal Audiencia received. They contained the title of master-of-camp for Don Geronimo de Silva, knight of the Order of St. John, and castellan and governor of the soldiers of Terrenate; an order to Don Juan de Silva that the former be given the title of captain-general of artillery, and an appointment [with instructions], so that, in case of the said Don Juan de Silva's death, it might be opened. On opening it, we found your Majesty's grant to Don Geronimo de Silva of an appointment as captain-general, on sea and land, in these islands and in Terrenate. He was at Terrenate engaged in his duties there, for Don Juan de Silva's statement to your Majesty, saying that he was ordering Don Geronimo to Manila to act as master-of-camp, and was sending Lucas de Bergara Gabiria to Terrenate, had not been carried out. With all possible haste I sent a galley to advise him of the grace bestowed upon him by your Majesty. In the boat I sent ten thousand pesos in reals, four thousand five hundred pieces of cloth, and what wine and rice it could carry for their sustenance going and returning, besides a quantity of jars of powder. Within twenty days I despatched the three pataches that were at the port of Cavite, since the enemy had now left the entrances to this bay; and with them I sent Don Gaviria to serve in the offices held by Don Geronimo de Silva. They carried more than three thousand baskets of rice, with wine, and meat; a quantity of clothing; six thousand pesos in reals; four eighteen-pounders, and a number of jars of powder; and balls, and many other things for the sustenance of those forts. The occupants of the forts have reported that that was the most substantial help that has been sent them for many years. May God be praised that He provided help for the great necessity of that presidio at a so needy time. Another royal decree was also received, in which your Majesty orders that pilots be sent by more than one way, so that they may go to await the royal fleet that is to come by way of the cape of Buena Esperanza, and give the general of it orders to go to Terrenate or to Manila—whichever place may be more suitable for his effective despatch. Having called a council of war, it was decided, the Audiencia concurring, that the fleet should come to Manila—because it would thus find accommodation in ports that furnish docking, shipyards, and materials—and join the galleons here; and chiefly because there is the means here for their sustenance, which cannot be had in Terrenate. Shortly after the twentieth of March, a galliot and a patache were despatched in which two pilots sailed, those most experienced in navigation. They came from Espana with General Rrui Goncalez de Sequeira, and had gone to the strait of Sincapura with Don Juan de Silva, one of them as his chief pilot.
The said Don Geronimo de Silva reached the port of Cavite May seven, after I had had charge of the office of captain-general for fifteen months. These islands enjoyed during that time the greatest peace and quiet for many years, except for the war of the enemy—as disinterested persons will relate, to whom credit must be given. I hope that they will continue in that condition, and improve with the coming of that cavalier. I find certain objections [to him] in accounts, emanating from Terrenate, of the trouble experienced by the infantry because of the harshness of his temper and the ill-treatment that they have received in word and deed. During the first week after his arrival in this city he has manifested the same disposition toward several persons who made the expedition, in depriving them of certain military posts in order to bestow them upon his followers and relatives, who say that they are to be preferred to others. They feel so exalted over this office [of Don Geronimo], with which he is willing to provide them government posts, that they desire all persons to call him "your Lordship." And because the first day of his arrival, Licentiate Madrid y Luna, auditor of this royal Audiencia, did not call him so, Don Geronimo sent him a message saying that since the auditor was his friend he should honor him by calling him "your Lordship." He has not broached this subject to me, for he knows that I do not consider it fitting to occupy myself with these matters, which are immaterial and confer no authority; and that the office itself possesses enough dignity without trying to give it that which is not needful to it in order that your Majesty may be well served. He ordered an edict to be published that all the captains, army officers, and soldiers whose places have been abolished during the last ten years, should appear at the office of the royal accountant within a fortnight, under penalty of six years' service in the galleys. That caused a great uproar throughout the city; for they declared that they were not his subjects. The captains—feeling angered because they were under no such obligation, but employing the mild and expedient measures of courtesy, so that there might be peace and the people become quieted—as soon as the session began sent the governor a message by the clerk of the Audiencia, petitioning that he consider the edict and correct the commotion caused by it. They requested that he would check future evils by suspending the effect of the edict, for those included in it were in the jurisdiction of the government; and it concerned the Audiencia not to allow injury to be inflicted on anyone, especially since this act was opposed to its authority. He replied that he was acting within his powers, and consequently he had ordered that measure. And although certain religious have, by virtue of their office, represented to him the difficulties that must result from the edict, as yet he has given no signs of regarding it with the consideration and reflection advisable to the service of your Majesty, and the peace and quiet of this community. He thinks that it is to be governed according to his will, and places no check on his own inclinations. If this is to be done, these islands will suffer until your Majesty shall provide such remedy as is advisable for your royal service. This royal Audiencia, performing its duty with what authority it possesses, will do its utmost; and it will not consent that he meddle in matters outside his jurisdiction. But all this must be with grievances to the community, and the people will live in disquiet and anxiety.
By one of the said pataches, I received three decrees from your Majesty. In one of them you were pleased to grant me acceptance of my resignation as auditor of this royal Audiencia, and permission to go to Espana. In another decree your Majesty orders the governor of these islands to give me accommodations in the vessels about to sail to Nueva Espana, in accordance with the quality of my person, and the offices that I have held. In the last decree your Majesty concedes me one year's salary as a gratification for the many expenses that I shall incur in so long a voyage. Immediately upon receiving these royal decrees, I could have bid farewell to the Audiencia; but, considering that it was then in the midst of preparing the fleet, and since I had been employed in and had arranged what was advisable to your Majesty's service, I thought that it would be very wrong to retire on such an occasion and flee the danger, and lift my hand from a matter of so great importance. After the expedition, I would have vacated my office and would have prepared to go to give your Majesty an account of many things of importance to your royal service, but I have neglected to do so, because there are no judges in the Audiencia. Licentiate Madrid y Luna is ready to go in one of the trading ships to serve in his position as alcalde of the court of Mexico. Doctor Juan Manuel de la Vega has been sick for four months, and small hopes are had of his recovery. Two new auditors are expected (who are known to be in Nueva Espana) on the ships of this year. When they shall have arrived, it will necessarily take some days for them to understand the affairs of government and the form of procedure of the Audiencia. Since I think that I shall serve your Majesty in this, I shall delay here no longer than is absolutely necessary for the Audiencia to fulfil its obligations, and so that your Majesty may be better served.
With the grace shown me by your Majesty in permitting me to go to Espana, I shall not enjoy my salary as auditor from the day that I shall cease to serve in this post. Consequently I shall not be able to live in accordance with the quality of my person and the posts that I have held. In remuneration of twenty-nine years of service (twenty-four of them in the Indias)—and no favors have been granted me for the offices of president and captain-general, and the successful outcome of the difficulties that I experienced therein—I petition your Majesty to grant me the reward of certain pensions equivalent to the salary taken from me, or what reward your Majesty may be pleased to order given me, which will be in excess of what my services can merit.
The persons who have served best on this occasion, and who merit rewards from your Majesty, are: first, the general Don Juan Rronquillo del Castillo, who assisted at Cavite, from the first of November of last year, in the repair and preparation of this fleet, until he sailed from the port with it and fought the flagship of the enemy and defeated and sank it—and, according to what the prisoners say, it will be incredible in Olanda that there is sufficient force in the Philipinas to have defeated this galleon; next, Captain Don Diego de Quinones, for the service rendered to your Majesty by him in resisting the enemy—first, at his entrance to the town of Oton (where the Dutch disembarked with six hundred men); then, after killing and wounding many men with less than one hundred soldiers, and causing the enemy to retreat ignominiously after a stay of not more than twenty-four hours in front of the said town, Don Diego came at my orders to serve on this occasion, leaning on a crutch—for he was not yet recovered from a musket-ball that had passed through one thigh—and served as commander of a galley. He found himself near the galleon "Nuestra Senora de Guadalupe," which was grappled to another of the enemy; and, with his aid, the latter was defeated.
Admiral Rodrigo de Guillestigui, commander of the galleon "San Miguel," grappled with another of the enemy; and although another ship attacked him, and he received great damage from the artillery discharged upon him, he refused to leave his prize until, after fighting with great courage and valor, the galleon to which he was grappled took fire, whereupon with great haste he ungrappled so that the fire should not do him harm. The vessel that was burning was deserted by its men very hastily, some of whom embarked in the lancha, while others jumped into the water; and, the fire reaching the powder, the ship went down.
Captain Juan Bauptista de Molina, commander of the galleon "Nuestra Senora de Guadalupe," was the first to grapple with a ship which, according to the prisoners who were in the battle, was in Piru, where it and another vessel sunk our almiranta. He fought as a good soldier until the enemy surrendered after a hard fight. While a captain and soldiers from our side were in the said vessel, that ship of the enemy's that was coming down upon it afire, as the executor of divine justice, set fire to this one, and it was burned. That ship was burned because His [Divine] Majesty did not choose that there should be more spoils from that victory than the memory of the just punishment that He gave by His powerful hand.
Admiral Pedro de Heredia, commander of the galley "San Juan Baptista," grappled with the hostile almiranta; and after fighting valorously, and having almost defeated it, because it was no longer serving its artillery or musketry, the burning boat charged down upon the two galleons and forced them to ungrapple for fear of the fire. Thereupon their almiranta got away with some difficulty, because it had so few men left to handle the sails. The men who escaped from the small boat of the burning ship were taken aboard that vessel, so that they had sufficient men to retreat; and our galleon could not return to attack the said almiranta, which left so badly dismantled that it is thought that it must have sunk. The facts will be learned with the first advice that comes from Terrenate.
General Francisco Bravo de la Serna, who came aboard the flagship that put in at Japon, gained the good will of the ruler where he put in, by his diligence, discretion, and sensible procedure, aided by the munificent presents that he gave to the king. Consequently the king received him as hospitably as if he were in your Majesty's lands, giving him whatever he needed at moderate prices. When the general wished to leave, the king gave him permission, without his having received any ill treatment. That was considered a good outcome, and was all the more so because, when he reached these islands and learned that the enemy had taken the passage in order to enter the port of Cavite, he took the flagship to the most hidden place that he could find. Having made port in haste, he unloaded the silver and stored it inland; then, while anchored, he took ashore all the rest of the cargo. That was the compensation of these islands and the fund with which the fleet was prepared; and without it the galleons could not have been equipped. Therein is made evident the good service that Francisco Bravo rendered your Majesty. He also rendered service on this expedition; for he embarked on the flagship, and took with him twelve men at his own cost. His presence proved of great importance, for he attended to his orders with great energy, exactness, and labor, while his advice and counsel were among the best that the general had. The latter declared the same to me, and that Bravo should be highly esteemed for the manner in which he distinguished himself in your Majesty's service on this occasion.
Licentiate Manuel de Madrid y Luna, auditor of this royal Audiencia, has aided me in this campaign, accomplishing those things with which I charged him. Last year, when that enemy came to this bay, he helped to cast the artillery; and he worked at it day and night, until they had cast so many pieces that they sufficed to put the fort of Cavite in a state of defense. Two of his brothers and one cousin have died in this land in your Majesty's service—one in the Sangley insurrection, and two on this noble occasion. One brother was commander of the galleon "San Phelipe." As soon as the battle began, he was wounded by a musket-shot and lived little more than one hour. It is considered certain that more would have been accomplished with this galleon; had not the said commander been killed. On that account, and for the good accomplished by his services in this royal Audiencia, the said Licentiate Madrid claims that your Majesty should grant him as a reward permission to marry some of his seven daughters and three sons in Mexico. That is the greatest wealth that he takes from these islands.
Captain Andrea Coello came from India in a patache in July last year with despatches from the viceroy. That enemy having come and taken position in the entrances of this bay, he offered to serve as ordered, whether on land or on sea, with his person, patache, sailors, and soldiers; for his profession was to serve your Majesty in war. He remained until the royal fleet was ready to sail in search of the enemy; and the said captain supported the sailors and soldiers with his patache and with the moderate aid given him. He took part on that occasion, and acted as an honorable and valiant soldier, attending with exactness to all his orders.
The viceroy of Nueva Espana sent a ship from the port of Acapulco, which reached the port of Cavite on June twenty-six. Aboard it were the bishop of Nueva Segovia  and twenty-eight Augustinian friars; one hundred and forty soldiers and twenty convicts; one hundred quintals of powder, one hundred muskets, and one hundred arquebuses. Since the country was at peace, that proved a tolerable reenforcement. No money came for the royal treasury, which does not contain one single peso. From the money that is expected from Nueva Espana must be paid the twenty-six thousand seven hundred pesos lent by the citizens and the probate court account; besides other twenty-three thousand pesos due to the captains and the Japanese and Chinese merchants, for cloth and war supplies which they have delivered to the royal magazines. There is no royal revenue from which to satisfy those debts. The only revenue that can be collected now will be the proceeds of the Sangley licenses, and that will scarcely suffice for the very ordinary expenses. There will be no money with which to pay the salaries of the Audiencia, royal officials, and other persons; the stipends of the bishops and prebends of the church, and those given to the religious; the wages of the infantry of this camp and that of Terrenate; and the aid that must be sent to those forts for their ordinary sustenance. And then this is increased by the delay of the fleet which your Majesty has ordered to come by way of the cape of Buena Esperanca because of the great expenses that will be thus incurred, and by the repair of the galleons in Cavite. The latter must not be abandoned, and are without masts, for only their futtock-timbers can be of use. It is all very difficult when so many things come at the same time, and there is no money with which to repair them. May God in His mercy provide a remedy for so many necessities. I shall do the utmost that in me lies. Although there is considerable to provide, I shall attend to the most needful, so that things may be maintained until the viceroy of Nueva Espana, upon learning of the wretched condition of these islands and those of Terrenate, may provide the aid that is necessary for their conservation. Accordingly I humbly beg your Majesty to send the viceroy orders that the succor asked from him be sent promptly. And should a case happen like the present, of no vessels going to Nueva Espana because they have to return in distress to these islands, [I beg you to order] that the viceroy do not neglect to send the money which is usually asked from him for the payment of the expenses incurred in these islands. Those expenses, like those of the war which are of so great moment, cannot be supplied if there is a lack of money, and it will not be well to fall again into such straits as those that we suffer at present.
The two auditors who were to come to this Audiencia, remained in Mexico, as there was no accommodation in the ship to enable them to sail. Their absence causes a conspicuous deficiency; for I am the only judge in the Audiencia, because the sickness of Doctor Juan Manuel de la Vega is of long duration, and few hopes are sustained of his recovery, according to the physicians' reports. Licentiate Manuel de Madrid y Luna has determined to go to serve in the position of alcalde of the court in Mexico (which your Majesty has bestowed upon him as a reward), notwithstanding that I did not allow him to quit that of auditor of this Audiencia on account of the just reasons for serving therein—through the many affairs concurrent in it of justice and government, and through the great lack that all these would experience if they were in charge of only one person. Should it happen that I were to die, there would be no Audiencia nor any one to govern these islands—irreparable injuries, for which it is advisable to prepare the remedy beforehand. And although, besides these things, I presented to him many considerations that should oblige him to postpone his departure; and notwithstanding the requests and protests that I have made to him regarding the present injuries and those that might happen on his account; all this has not sufficed to move him from his purpose. He has answered me with the arguments which if your Majesty pleases may be seen in the accompanying testimony. Manila. August 10, 1617.
Licentiate Andres de Alcaraz
[Marginal note: "Take particular account of what is stated about his services, in order to reward him as may be fitting, especially for what he did on the occasions that he mentions which have been so advantageous to the royal service and to the conservation of those islands, which results from achievements as great as were the defeat and punishment of the enemy. In what concerns the persons of whose services he gives information, let attention be given to them in the Audiencia; and have them summoned so that they may know what knowledge his Majesty has of them, and what he has entrusted to their persons."]
TRADE BETWEEN NUEVA ESPANA AND THE FAR EAST
Of the Trade of Eastern India, Nueva Espana, and Filipinas with Macao and Japon
Beyond a doubt Christian interests in Japon and China are sustained and prospered, after the grace of God, through the trade which your Majesty's vassals carry on with those kingdoms; for the heathen there, being avaricious, are much pleased with the gain they derive from the goods carried to them, and from those which they sell to the Christians. Therefore, they allow the religious of Europe in their countries, because they know that, if they do not admit them, they will not enjoy this trade; for they see that principally on account of religion your Majesty's vassals come to them with their ships and goods. This is shown by the experience of many years.
Although this trade may be profitable to your Majesty's subjects and to your royal exchequer, it ought to be so carried on that not only may these interests be advanced, but also in such a way that Christianity shall not be injured. When any one of these interests is in danger, it is plain that it would be a less evil to lose something of the temporal [advantage from trade] than of the spiritual advantage resulting from the conversion of souls there. There is no doubt that your Majesty wishes it thus, as do all of your ministers, who are so anxious for the honor of God and for the progress of His holy Catholic faith.
Trade with China and Japon is carried on as follows: from Eastern India [to both countries] by way of the city of Macao, and entirely in the hands of the Portuguese; from Felipinas and Nueva Espana to China, by way of the same city of Macao; and [from Felipinas and Nueva Espana] to Japon by way of the various Japonese cities, principally Nangasaqui.
From Eastern India eight-real pieces and other things in which there is considerable profit are carried to China. From Macao, which is a Chinese city, silks and gold, upon which profits are large, are taken to Japon; while silver, which also yields profit, is taken to China. From China, copper, silks, gold, and other articles are transported to India. This trade is also remunerative. Since upon all these things import and export duties are paid to your Majesty, this trade is undoubtedly the means by which Eastern India is maintained; for through it are made possible the large expenditures for the fleets which the viceroys send each year against your Majesty's enemies. Indeed, without this trade little could be done, because the [a word lacking; MS. worn] customs would yield little.
From Nueva Espana silver is exported to China, but little more; they do not carry silver thence to Japon, because there is no lack of it there. Some other things are taken to Japon, among them silks brought from China, but little else; for they have nothing in Nueva Espana useful to Japon, except these few articles.
From Felipinas they carry to China silver obtained in Nueva Espana, but there is nothing else to carry. To Japon they take silks which they buy in China, or which the Chincheos are accustomed to bring to Manila, which is unquestionably the metropolis of Felipinas.
From the trade of Nueva Espana and Felipinas with China and Japon less in customs duties are paid to your Majesty than from that of Eastern India with the same countries, because there is nothing upon which to pay them except the silks. Thus this trade is not so advantageous as that of Eastern India. Indeed, your Majesty's profits will be much greater if this trade of Nueva Espana and Felipinas shall cease. This will be experienced not only by the crown of Portugal, but even by that of Castilla.
By the crown of Portugal this will be experienced because, if the people of Eastern India alone were to sell goods and to buy those of the Chinese and Japonese, they would obviously gain more and be able to pay higher customs to your Majesty; for when the sellers and buyers are many and different, all is to the advantage of the Chinese and Japonese, because then they sell and buy on their own terms. Under such circumstances your Majesty's subjects have sustained great injuries, and many times have sold their goods for prices far below what they had cost, in order not to carry them home. From these circumstances, too, quarrels have arisen in China and Japon between the subjects of the two crowns—to the discredit of Espana and to the shame of Christians there who see discords among Christians and among subjects of the same king. The Portuguese, in order not to suffer these injuries, will abandon this trade: if they do so, Eastern India will be in great danger, especially now, from those who go there from the north. And your Majesty will even come to lose it; and this through not having wherewith to maintain the fleet by means of which it is protected and prospered, as has been shown by experience. In the same way your Majesty will lose the city of Macao which you have in China, for as it is in the territory of the king of China, it has no income other than through this trade.
This result will also be experienced by the crown of Castilla, because the trade of Nueva Espana with China serves only to carry thither silver which ought to come to Espana, and to bring from China the silks which might be sent from Espana. Whence great injuries to Espana follow, as is notorious, through the loss both of the silver of which it is deprived, and of the duties and profits on its silks. The trade of Nueva Espana with Japon is also unprofitable, because there are no goods on which to secure gain either going or returning, except what they may get from the silks which they carry from China, to Japon, and from some iron, copper, cabinets [escritorios], and similar articles. Indeed, on account of the before-mentioned disadvantages, it is easier to lose than to gain in this trade; and if it should be expanded your Majesty would suffer other disadvantages. This has already been seen on some occasions when it has been tried.
The trade of Filipinas with China may be hurtful in so far as the silver carried is concerned, because this might come to Espana. It is true, the silk trade with China is of some profit to Filipinas as a basis of trade with Nueva Espana—which cannot be dispensed with—to supply the things needed from there. But this silk trade might be substituted by carrying some of the gold of Filipinas to Nueva Espana to buy what is necessary from Espana, to which thereby would come more advantage; and by carrying also some of the silks which the people of Chincheo are wont to take to Manila. These are bought in this way more advantageously than when the Filipinas merchants go to China to buy, as has been seen during many years' experience with the former method. But it might even be well to put an end to the coming of the people of Chincheo to Manila (many of whom live there by agreement), because they have already attempted to take possession of the city; and now, when the Hollanders are resorting thither, this should be more carefully watched. To prevent the coming of the Chinese, your Majesty might order the inhabitants of Macao to take to Manila the silks, bronze, and other things needed in Filipinas which the people of Chincheo bring. And everything will be more secure, the profit will be much greater, and all of it will accrue to your Majesty's subjects if it be ordered that the Chinese shall not sell anything that the inhabitants of Macao have to sell.
The trade of Filipinas with Japon is very hurtful to your Majesty and to your subjects, since, as they carry in it nothing but silks from China, which the people of Eastern India and those of Macao also take to Japon, all the advantage lies with the Japonese; for, as they are in their own land, and have a larger number of articles to choose from, they buy where they wish and at their own figures, and they sell their own goods in the same way. All this is injurious to your Majesty's subjects, and advantageous to that king to whom they pay so large customs duties. Sometimes the people of Felipinas and those of Eastern India have returned without selling or buying, in order not to suffer total loss. Thus results a great loss of customs which ought to be paid to your Majesty. And not alone do you suffer in your exchequer but also in your reputation, because the Japonese despise your Majesty's subjects when they see the disorders that they create;  and they lose [also] respect for your viceroys. When, in order to correct this impression, certain embassies are sent to those kings, they judge from this that your Majesty's subjects have greater need of them than they have of your Majesty or your viceroys. This has been observed during all these past years, especially among the Japonese—who, being arrogant, proud, and warlike, think that everything depends upon them, and ask odds of no one. They, judging by the great number who go to Japon from Felipinas that they are necessary to the latter, have ever thought of making war upon these islands in order to conquer them for themselves. [In the margin: "And now that the Northerners are there, it is possible for them together to attack the forces."]
From what has been said the plain inference is that your Majesty, who is king of both realms, ought to order that the trade be so conducted that what is gained by one be not lost by the other. You ought also to consider which line of trade will profit you most, and should enforce this one and prohibit the other by decrees issuing from both crowns, enforcing them through your viceroys, and imposing severe penalties upon violators of such decrees, and greater ones upon those who fail to require them to be kept. [In the margin: "This was ordained by the king, Don Felipe Second, grandfather of your Majesty, as the Council of Portugal will inform you."]
From the foregoing it is easily seen that the trade of Eastern India is, from a temporal standpoint, the most profitable to your Majesty and for your subjects; and from a spiritual standpoint, for the maintenance and propagation of Christianity in China and Japon. This was proved in the years during which this plan was tried. [In the margin: "Conversion there has entirely ceased today because this plan has not been tried during recent years, and because of the severity of the present emperor of China, who even punished laymen for protecting the religious who went from Felipinas to China contrary to his commands."]
It is plain, therefore, that the trade of Nueva Espana and Felipinas with Japon and China is unprofitable in comparison with that of Eastern India, not to mention the marked injuries already pointed out which it inflicts upon Espana, and which must be repaired and corrected lest greater ones be sustained. The trade always carried on with Nueva Espana is fully sufficient to maintain Felipinas. In this they carry gold and some of the silks which the Chinese merchants carry from China to Manila to be sold; and they might bring silks from Macao, should your Majesty now order it. In return they bring from Nueva Espana what they need for their own maintenance and growth (to make it unnecessary to go to Japon and China for the same). In proportion as this plan has been observed the welfare of both the Eastern and the Western Indias has been advanced; and the kingdoms of Espana have had great profits from them, through their carrying silver and bringing back merchandise. Now that the Hollanders are so powerful there, it is necessary that this be watched with the greatest care and vigilance, in order that what your Majesty gets from there may not be lost.
EVENTS IN THE FILIPINAS ISLANDS FROM THE MONTH OF JUNE, 617, UNTIL THE PRESENT DATE IN 618
Last year I informed you at length of the naval battle, and of the signal victory which our Lord was pleased to give us over the enemy, the Hollanders, who came to these islands with the largest force that has ever been here. They brought ten galleons well equipped with men, artillery, ammunition, and other implements of war. Of these ten galleons they lost three in the battle—one, the admiral's ship, was sunk, and two were burned. Four of the remaining seven fled to Maluco, badly damaged. So many of their men were killed and wounded that, although they had set out with a large number, they arrived with scarcely one hundred. These were the messengers of an event most disastrous for them but fortunate for us. The other ships fled to Japon.
Until now the natives of the Malucas Islands had greatly favored the heretics; but, loving novelty and seeing that the power of the Hollanders had declined, they began to plan a revolt. When the Hollanders learned of this, they hanged in Machien, one of their best strongholds, a chief whom, it was understood, the natives wished to place at the head of the insurrection. But in other quarters they could not so quickly effect a remedy. In the island of Siao the people killed all the Hollanders who had seized their land, except three whom they handed over alive to our governor of Maluco for galley-slaves. The natives of the island of Vanda [Banda] dealt in the same manner with the Hollanders who were there, and gained the ascendency. In Ambueno some of the natives revolted. The Hollanders tried to pacify them by force of arms, but we do not know how the affair ended. All this, however, was not what most disturbed the Hollanders, but it was rather the fact that they saw that English ships had come and formed an excellent stronghold in Pullovay.  Thus, when the Hollanders undertook to eject the English from that port, the two nations were engaged in as bloody warfare with each other as [each was] with us. From all these circumstances it seems that the strongholds of the Hollanders were about to fall; and that, if at that time it had been possible to go with a fleet to the Malucas, a great exploit might have been performed. By this means, as wrote the governor of Ternate, Lucas de Vergara Gabiria, everything might, perhaps, have turned in our favor. But it was not possible to do this as was desired.
As I informed you in my report of last year, two other galleons, called "Leon Rojo" and "Fregelingas," had separated from the rest of the fleet near the coast of Ilocos, a province of the island of Manila, in order to plunder, to more advantage and with less risk, the Chinese who were accustomed to steer for that coast. For this reason they took no part in the naval battle. This was very fortunate for them, since, without loss of men or of artillery, they plundered nine [many—V.d.A. ] Chinese ships, laden with very valuable silks which the Chinese were bringing here to the city of Manila. When these learned of the destruction of their fleet, they made haste to return to Japon, where they arrived on the seventh of July, 617. On the way they overtook two Chinese ships loaded with silks. They captured them, and, as their own were full of the plunder that they had taken, they put seven men as a guard on each of the Chinese ships and took them thus to Japon. When in sight of Japon the ships were driven by a storm, and one of the Chinese vessels was separated from the other and from the two of the Hollanders. It made port in the kingdom of Satsuma. But the authorities of this place, learning that the ship was a captive, and disapproving of a thing so foreign to civilized intercourse, would not consent that they should remain in the port longer than four days, at the end of which time they forced them to leave. During these four days the Chinese who came in the ships, about thirty-four in number, went ashore and secretly bought some catanas, arms peculiar to Japon and not very different from cutlasses. With these they embarked for Firando, another kingdom of Japon. One night they suddenly fell upon the Hollanders [the seven who guarded the ship], and, in spite of their resistance, they beheaded them and threw them into the sea. The Chinese then loaded all their goods upon little fishing boats that they had provided for the purpose, and setting fire to their ship, fled with their property in different directions. In all of this they were very diligent and discreet. If they had not been so, the Hollanders who reside in that kingdom undoubtedly would have taken the ship away from them by legal process, because (as we shall see later) the Hollanders have things much to their liking at the court of the emperor.
The two galleons, "Leon Rojo" and "Fregelingas," and the other Chinese ship, of which I spoke, arrived at Cochi [Kochi], a port of the island of Firando, one league from the port and city of Firando.  Here they began in great haste to unload the galleon, "Leon Rojo," with the purpose of going to look out for the ship of Macan. The Portuguese who reside in Nangasaqui, learning of this design, went to the governor of that city to complain of what the Hollanders were planning. He sent them at once to the Jeno  of Firando with an order by which the Jeno was commanded not to allow any Dutch ship to go out in search of the ship of Macan commanded by the Portuguese. This precaution, however, was unnecessary, because our Lord prevented, by other means, the accomplishment of their purpose. On the day of the blessed apostles St. Peter and St. Paul, a furious storm overtook them while they were in the port of Cochi. The "Leon Rojo" ran aground and filled with water; the "Fregelingas," through loss of mainmast and rigging, was badly shattered. The Chinese ship also ran aground, and silks of great value were injured by water. With infinite labor and expense they hauled off the "Leon Rojo," and, as best they could, they took it to the port of Firando. They were compelled, however, to give it up and leave it here for lost, because the leak was so great that it was impossible to stop it. They took the "Fregelingas" also to Firando, where they quickly repaired it.
There remains to be told the fate of another ship, called the "Sol Viejo" ["Old Sun"], that fled from the battle of last year and was confidently believed to have foundered in the sea. In it, however, the Dutch general, Juan Rodriguez Lam,  escaped. With only eighty men, who remained with him, he crossed to the coast of Camboja, and went to the port of Champan [Champa V.d.A.] in order to repair the damage that the ship had sustained here in the Felipinas. They were not able to go, as they wished, from there to Patam, where they had a factory, because the vendavals, which were contrary, had now arisen. Therefore, they were forced to put into Japon at the port of Nangasaqui, where they entered with two other ships of theirs. One of these, the "Leon Negro" ["Black Lion"], carried one hundred and fifty-five men, and twenty-eight pieces of artillery, all of cast iron; the other, the "Galeaca," carried ninety-five men and twenty-four pieces of artillery. The Dutch general had met these two ships on their way from Bantan, where the Hollanders had another factory. The "Leon Negro" and the "Galeaca" had captured three Chinese vessels that were going to Bantan to trade with the Hollanders. To save the Chinese the trouble, the Hollanders had loaded all the goods of the Chinese upon their own ships, thus taking from them the great wealth of silk they were carrying, and leaving them only the hulks of the ships. [In the margin: "Not the least compensation was made for such great injustice and injury."] Sailing, then, by way of Hermosa Island, these two ships had sighted the "Sol Viejo;" and, thinking that it was the ship of Macan, they were much rejoiced, and prepared to seize it. When they came a little nearer, however, they discovered that it was the "Sol Viejo," in which was their own general, who had fled routed from the naval battle that took place in these islands. Distressed at the bad news [of their defeat in this battle], they together [with the "Sol Viejo"] directed their course to Nangasaqui, where they made port the first of July, 617. While these three ships were anchored within the bar of this port, news arrived that the ship of Macan was eight or ten leguas at sea. The governor of Nangasaqui prepared and sent a message to the Portuguese to the effect that they could enter the port without any fear whatever of the Hollanders. But, not considering this safe, they withdrew to another port near by, where they felt more secure. When the governor saw that, on account of the Hollanders, the ship did not enter his port, he commanded that notice be given to the Hollanders, in the name of the emperor, that they should go at once to their port of Firando, which had been assigned to them for trade with Japon. They disregarded this command and replied that they had come to Japon with no other purpose than to look for that ship, which they must take without fail. The governor responded with a second notification, and so they thought it best to leave unobstructed the entrance to Nangasaqui, and to go to Firando, where they joined five Dutch vessels—including the "Leon Rojo," which had been abandoned.