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The Social Work of the Salvation Army
by Edwin Gifford Lamb
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THE SOCIAL WORK OF THE SALVATION ARMY

BY

EDWIN GIFFORD LAMB, A.B.

Submitted in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Faculty of Political Science

Columbia University

New York

1909



COPYRIGHT, 1909

BY

EDWIN GIFFORD LAMB



PREFACE.

I use the word "Social" in the title of this work to suggest that, save in an auxiliary way, I am not attempting to describe the religious features of the organization. Such a field of investigation would prove a very profitable and interesting one, but it is a field, which, for the sake of clearness and impartial study, should be kept separate. The organization itself recognizes the primary division. Commander Booth-Tucker, the leader of the Army in the United States from 1896 to 1904, says, "The Salvation Army is the evolution of two great ideas: first, that of reaching with the gospel of salvation the masses who are outside the pale of ordinary church influence, and second, that of caring for their temporal as well as spiritual interests."[1]

I have secured very little data from books, as there is but little authentic literature on the subject. Primarily, the data for this treatise were taken from personal observation. In pursuing the subject I have visited Salvation Army social institutions of every description. In addition to visiting the larger cities of the United States and the three Army colonies, situated in Ohio, Colorado and California, respectively, I have investigated the work in London, where the Army had its origin, and at the farm colony in Hadleigh, on the river Thames, some thirty miles from London. I have slept in the hotels, worked in the industrial homes, wandered over the farm colonies, and mingled with the inmates of other types of Army institutions.

Nov., 1909. E. G. L.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] Pamphlet "The Salvation Army in the United States."



TABLE OF CONTENTS.

PAGE.

Preface 5

Introduction 7-15

CHAPTER I The Salvation Army Industrial Department 16-62

CHAPTER II The Salvation Army Hotels and Lodging Houses 63-98

CHAPTER III The Farm Colonies of the Salvation Army 99-116

CHAPTER IV The Salvation Army Slum Department 117-121

CHAPTER V The Salvation Army Rescue Department 122-126

CHAPTER VI Some Minor Features of the Salvation Army Social Work 127-131

CHAPTER VII Conclusion 132-139



CHAPTER I.

INTRODUCTION.

The Salvation Army was founded by William Booth in London, England, in 1865. Previous to this time Mr. Booth had been a successful clergyman in the Methodist Church, and had become widely known throughout England as a revivalist. As time passed, he had become more and more interested in the condition of the un-churched masses, and as his church did not approve of his taking up work among the masses in connection with it as an organization, he had, in 1861, separated from the Methodists. With little support, he established in London what was known as The Christian Mission.

From the first, numbers of converts were made, and soon several missions were established in London, and other cities of England. From the first, too, the agency of women was an important feature. Especially was this true in visitation among the lower classes. In regard to the foundation of the Army itself and in connection with its earlier successes, much credit must be given to Mrs. Booth, the wife of William Booth. She became as noted a speaker and revivalist as her husband, and together, they made plans for the movement. Unfortunately she died of cancer in 1890. Through these early years of the movement its management, almost unconsciously, developed along lines that were military in form. At first the title of "Captain" was used among the sailors and fishermen to designate the local leader of the company, and then it was extended wherever, among the rough element, the "Mr." or "Rev." would seem out of place. The usage and the spirit accompanying it soon spread, and by the year 1879 military methods and titles were officially added. The Rev. Wm. Booth, who, up to this time, had been known as "Superintendent of the Christian Mission," became "General" Booth, and the "Mission" became the "Salvation Army."[2]

This addition of military methods seems to have accelerated the movement by favoring efficient and systematic control. Soon after this time, we find, the organization had spread to the United States, Canada, Australia, France, Switzerland, Holland, Belgium, Scandinavia, Germany and Italy. Then missionary work was taken up in India, and later on, in Africa, Java and Japan. At the present time (1908), according to its reports, the Army occupies fifty-two different countries and colonies. In no country has its rate of progress been more remarkable than in the United States, where in point of numbers, the local organization now ranks second only to that of Great Britain.[3]

Along with the rapid growth went a differentiation almost as rapid and unique as the growth itself. In fact, both reacted on each other. The work was separated first into three main departments, viz.: Spiritual, Social and Trade. It will be necessary to make a brief statement of this differentiation in detail. In the Spiritual Department we have the extension of the original idea, that of converting the people. Corps, as the different religious groups were called, sprang up and multiplied until even the smaller towns were occupied. Converts were added by hundreds and thousands. Large numbers of the brightest and best of these converts were utilized in extending the work still further, and after undergoing a brief training, were sent out, some to aid the movement in the mother country, others to begin the work in different parts of Europe and in America, and still others as missionaries to all parts of the world. Meanwhile, the work in each local organization or Corps, became systematized, and the Corps were united into Sections or Divisions, the Divisions into larger districts called Provinces, and the Provinces into Commands, which for the most part controlled the territory of an entire country. Each of these divisions from the Corps to the Command, was delegated to an officer who had sole charge, and who was responsible to the officer above him. For example, the United States, at present, is divided into two Commands; the first extending from New York to Chicago; the second from Chicago to the Pacific Coast. The first Command has six Provinces; the second, four. Each Province has from three to nine Divisions, and each Division contains a number of Corps. Thus, while each Corps is complete in itself, the general administration is very highly centralized; so much so, that an order from General Booth at the National Headquarters, London, England, must be obeyed by every Corps in the world.

While the organization of the Spiritual Department was taking place in this manner, the Social Work was assuming large proportions, and differentiating itself. Visitation in the lower parts of the cities was organized into a regular department of Slum Work, called the Slum Department, with a specialized corps of officers. Work among fallen women was instituted as the Rescue Department, with its rescue homes and trained workers. The establishment of hotels and lunch counters for both men and women became finally what is now the Social Department. The wood yards and small factories, together with the salvage depots and cheap stores, were organized into the Industrial Department. Work among the children resulted in the establishment of kindergartens and orphanages. The colonization enterprise took root, and was divided into the industrial colonies and farm colonies. Thus, we have here a differentiation of the original Social Department into six distinct divisions, which we shall consider separately in this treatise. As these lines of work advanced, although each had its special group of workers, it was natural that the work should follow the administrative system of Commands, Provinces, Divisions and Corps, which had already been marked out in the Spiritual Department.

The third primary division, that of trade, has had some interesting developments. There is, for example, the trade carried on in articles necessary to the members of the Army themselves, and which they cannot conveniently obtain in the open market, such as uniforms, badges, books and musical instruments. The Reliance Trading Company, for instance, was incorporated in 1902, under the laws of the State of New Jersey. This company owns and publishes the "War Cry," the official gazette of the Army in the United States; does the printing for the various departments of the Army; manufactures fountain pens; makes uniforms, bonnets and hats for the Army members; conducts an Insurance Department, and carries on other business enterprises.[4]

There is, too, the trade in the products of the various factories and industries connected with the relief work of the Army. For example, the Salvation Army Industrial Homes Company, incorporated in New Jersey, has greatly facilitated the industrial work in the United States. There have been companies formed and organized as building societies, insurance companies, and a Salvation Army Bank.

In all these companies the Salvation Army, through its officers, always has control, although it invites and seeks investments from the public. The following extract, taken from a prospectus sent out by the Salvation Army Industrial Homes Company, illustrates the point:

"The Charter of our Industrial Homes Co. has been prepared by Messrs. Jas. B. Dill & Co., the eminent corporation lawyers, who have kindly given us the full benefit of their skill and experience, at a fairly nominal charge. The capital consists of $500,000.00, divided into 50,000 shares, of the par value of $10.00 each, of which 25,000 are in 6% cumulative preferred stock and 25,000 in common stock. Only the preferred shares are offered to the public, and bear interest at 6%, which is guaranteed by the Army. The common shares are held by the Army, with a view to retaining the control of the company, and the entire profits, over and above the interest on the preferred stock, are thus devoted to the charitable and religious work of the Army, and help us to continually expand and enlarge our homes." ... "We shall be happy to supply any information or answer any questions as to the financial standing of the Salvation Army. For our spiritual and social operations in the United States, we have now an annual income of nearly $2,000,000.00, while the value of our real estate holdings in this country amount to about $1,500,000. Hence, it will be seen that in guaranteeing the interest upon these preferred shares, amounting in all to only $15,000.00, we are abundantly able to insure the regular payment of the same apart, altogether, from the income of our industrial homes."

As a result of this rapid growth along the three lines described, the movement everywhere forced itself upon public recognition. The publication of its weekly organ, the "War Cry," in many different languages and countries aided its growth. Other magazines of higher class and better quality were issued. At the same time, the public press investigated the organization, and for a long time criticised it harshly. In fact, during all this time, while so successful, the Army suffered much persecution. The crowds of people composed of those whom it was seeking to benefit, seemed often to be its worst enemies, and then, to make matters more difficult, the police, we are told, instead of furnishing protection, often, themselves, joined in the persecution. There were many instances, in this early period, where the enthusiastic reformers were ill treated and even fatally injured. There was, however, some reason for all this persecution. A movement so sudden and apparently so contrary to existing institutions, needed time for its real principle to become known. The external manifestation seemed to consist of nothing but defiant disregard of established religious custom and ceremonial. Thus, while the vital principle of love for humanity was working its way into individual lives and attracting them to the ranks of the organization, the world at large openly showed its antagonism. Gradually, however, the sense of public opposition and antagonism grew less. Gradually the knowledge that, behind the superficial emotionalism, were depths of disinterested sympathy for fellow men and women worked itself into the public mind. Attacks on Army groups on street corners became less frequent, and when they did occur, were suppressed by the police. The press ceased its bitter criticism.

It was about this time that renewed and increased attention was focused on the new movement by the publication in 1890 of General Booth's famous book, "In Darkest England, and the Way Out." In some ways the book served to mark a new epoch in the development of that part of practical sociology which concerns itself with the direct betterment of the lower class of society. The old method of dealing with the poor is ably described by Ruskin, when he says:

"We make our relief either so insulting to them, or so painful that they rather die than take it at our hands; or, for third alternative, we leave them so untaught and foolish, that they starve like brute creatures, wild and dumb, not knowing what to do, or what to ask."[5]

This was a point of view which in its relation to the degraded elements of society was an expression of sympathy rather than of harsh criticism and mistrust. Although it had been set forth by others previously, it had never before forced itself so strongly on the public. In addition, the daring statements and bold theories, given utterance in "Darkest England," served to surprise all schools of reform. The public consciousness had never before faced the problem in such a way. It was aroused, and began to ask questions. The book ran through edition after edition. It was printed in a cheap form and within a short time was circulated all over the civilized world.

In his "scheme" General Booth laid down seven fundamental principles, which he claimed were essential to success. They were as follows:

1. The first principle that must be bore in mind, as governing every scheme that may be put forward, is that it must change the man, when it is his character and conduct which constitute the reasons for his failure in the battle of life.

2. The remedy, to be effectual, must change the circumstances of the individual, when they are the cause of his wretched condition, and lie beyond his control.

3. Any remedy worthy of consideration must be on a scale commensurate with the evil with which it proposes to deal.

4. Not only must the scheme be large enough, but it must be permanent.

5. But while it must be permanent, it must be made practicable.

6. The indirect features of the scheme must not be such as to produce injury to the persons whom we seek to benefit.

7. While assisting one class of the community, it must not seriously interfere with the interests of another.[6]

General Booth's personal attitude, also, is well worth noting. In the preface of his book he makes the following statement:

"I do not claim that my scheme is either perfect in its details, or complete in the sense of being adequate to combat all forms of gigantic evils, against which it is, in the main, directed. Like other human things, it must be perfected through suffering; but it is a sincere endeavor to do something, and to do it on principles, which can be instantly applied and universally developed."[7]

And again, in view of some of the manifestations of the organization as we see it, the following is interesting, as coming from its founder. He says: "But one of the grimmest social problems of our time should be sternly faced, not with a view to the generation of profitless emotions, but with a view to its solution."[8]

Upon the publication of this book there arose a division of opinion in regard to the scheme which was set forth. On the one hand, numbers of noted philanthropists aided General Booth with money and moral support. On the other hand, there was opposition from a certain class of reformers, headed by that eminent scientist, Thomas Huxley. This opposition, however, did not so much attack the principles advocated, as the agency for their application, namely, the Salvation Army, itself, characterized in Huxley's words as "Autocratic socialism, masked by its theological exterior."[9]

From that time to the present many thoughtful men have continued this opposition to the Army as an agent of social service. Further on we shall consider the validity and strength of their arguments. At that time the press on all sides took up the controversy, and it was finally decided to appoint a committee of investigation to thoroughly examine the Army's methods and institutions and publish a report. This committee was composed of some of the leading business and public men of England, headed by Sir Wilfred Lawson. They examined the books of the Army and studied the system and methods of the movement. They reported that all was entirely satisfactory and not only so, but that the movement and work was worthy of commendation.[10]

The report of this Committee, together with a demonstration of the work already accomplished, served to silence the critics to some extent, and public favor began to turn toward the movement. Since that period the Army has had, generally speaking, the support of the press and many of the leading men throughout the world, a support which it has not been slow to recognize, or to utilize. For instance, about this time, we find the following appeal issued through the English press:

"From personal witness or credible report of what General Booth has done with the funds entrusted to him for the Social Scheme which he laid before the country eighteen months ago, we think it would be a serious evil if the great task which he has undertaken should be crippled by lack of help during the next four months. We therefore venture to recommend his work to the generous support of all, who feel the necessity for some serious and concentrated effort to grapple with the needs of the most wretched and destitute, who have so long been the despair of our legislation and our philanthropy."

This appeal was signed by the Earl of Aberdeen, who was then Governor-General of Canada, and fifteen other men and women of international reputation. As an example of the attitude of the press, we find the London Daily Telegraph, in the midst of a long editorial entitled, "The General's Triumph," saying, "There is no question about it, the General has become popular. He has justified himself by results. We are told he has not shown the way out, but few have done so much to let the light in, and to bring with it life and healing."[11] Since the publication of "In Darkest England" in 1890, the social work of the Army has been extended, and has grown very rapidly.[12]

In connection with this rapid growth, the social phase of the movement has tended to eclipse the spiritual in the public eye. The Army has taken advantage of this to advertise its advancement along all lines, and there is reason for believing that the public support of the whole movement, both social and spiritual, at the present time, is largely due to this advertising.[13] In any case, the social work of the Army is a movement large enough to justify the interest of the public, and the extensive study of every student of practical social economy.

FOOTNOTES:

[2] "Social Relief Work of the Salvation Army in the U. S.," p. 5.

[3] "Life of William Booth," p. 57.

[4] "Social Relief Work of the S. A. in the U. S."

[5] "Sesame and Lillies," p. 101. Cf. also "The New Movement in Charity," Am. Jour. Soc. III, p. 596.

[6] "In Darkest England," pp. 85-87.

[7] Ibid., preface.

[8] Ibid., p. 15.

[9] "Social Diseases and Worse Remedies."

[10] "The committee of 1902 which inquired into certain aspects of the Darkest England Scheme two years after its initiation, were careful to state that they did not enter upon any consideration of the many economic questions affecting the maintenance of the system sought to be carried out." (The Salvation Army and the Public, p. 121.)

[11] "London Daily Telegraph," July 6, 1904.

[12] In fifteen years, from 1890 to 1905, the social work grew from a few small scattered institutions, to 687 institutions, many of which alone would have greater accommodation than the total in 1890.

[13] See "The S. A. and the Public," ch. 3.



CHAPTER I.

THE SALVATION ARMY INDUSTRIAL DEPARTMENT.

Originally the work now known as the Industrial Work was handled with and under the same management as the Social Work, but as the movement grew, the Industrial Work branched out and finally became separate in operation and management, the name "Social Department" being retained for the hotel work only.

The Industrial Department itself may be divided into three sections, all under the same management. These are The Industrial Home, The Industrial Store and The Industrial Colony. The object of the work embraced in these three divisions as stated in the prospectus sent out by the Army two years ago is:

"One of the most difficult problems that has confronted the Salvation Army has been the finding of employment for out-of-works and human derelicts in our cities. A system has been gradually organized by which this human waste is employed in collecting the material waste of the city. This latter has been sorted, sifted and sold, and temporary employment thus afforded to thousands of stranded persons, who have thus been tided over periods of distress, relieved of immediate suffering, saved from the stigma of paupers, assured of human sympathy, and given a new start in life."[14]

After a careful review of the various divisions of this work, above mentioned, we shall consider whether the object is being attained, and of what value the work done is to society.

In the formation of the Industrial Home the ideal building and situation cannot always be secured; hence there are differences in the planning and disposition of the different homes. The general plan, however, is to have a three or four-story building fitted up as follows: On the ground floor is a space where the wagons filled with waste materials can unload, a large room where furniture can be repaired and stored (unless this is done in the basement below), an office, and another large room to be used for a retail store. On the second floor is the sorting room, and adjoining or connected with it is the baling room, where such stuff as paper, rags and excelsior is pressed, ready to be taken away. On this floor, too, is to be found the kitchen, the dining room and the reading room. On the third floor are situated the dormitories and sleeping rooms. This plan is often varied. Sometimes there is a basement and only one or two stories above. Sometimes, as in the Forty-eighth Street home in New York, there are six or seven stories, and sometimes, as in one home in Chicago, the sleeping and living quarters of the men are entirely separate from the warehouse where they work, possibly some blocks away. The kitchen is nearly always found to be large and furnished with a good range and other facilities. The dining room contains long, plain tables, set so that the men can sit on both sides. The dishes are of thick, strong ware. The food is plain but good. Everything from the floor to the dishes is usually clean.

The sleeping rooms are of two kinds, individual rooms and dormitories. Those men who are of a better rank, that is, those who have been working long, or who are doing a higher grade of work, and those who have "boss" positions, occupy the separate rooms; while the general class of workers sleep in the dormitories. When it comes to the question of pure air, considerable difficulty arises. Some of the separate rooms have no outside window, though the partitions between the rooms rise only to a certain height, thus giving common air to the whole floor. Even where good ventilation facilities exist, it seems difficult to make the men keep the windows open. As regards ventilation, however, the industrial homes are, as a rule, better than the lower class workingman's hotels, and are improving in this respect. The beds are iron, single beds. The bed clothing and the rooms themselves are clean and fumigated regularly.

A reading room is also provided where daily papers and popular magazines are kept, and where the men may write. In some cases, a smoking room adjoins. Meetings of a devotional character, to which the men may come or not as they see fit, are often held in the reading room.

The support that renders the industrial home possible is the waste product of the city. This material is rubbish of all kinds imaginable. In connection with each industrial plant are kept a number of horses and wagons, mostly one-horse wagons. Each driver of a wagon has a definite route to cover regularly. Passing over his route, he collects everything of which people are glad to be rid. Waste paper, old clothes, old furniture, and the like, are the principal articles he collects. Many good people, persuaded of the good work the Army is doing, save up their store of odds and ends until the Army wagon shall call, often giving things away which they would not have thrown away or given any one else, unless it would be to sell them to an old-clothes man. The driver returns with his load to the warehouse. From his wagon the material is conveyed by means of an elevator to the sorting room in the second story, whence the greater quantity goes at once to the baling machine in the form of waste paper. Any articles that may be of use, such as shoes, clothing of any kind, books, crockery-ware, bottles, pots, kettles, etc., are placed in their respective bins and finally, repaired, find their way to the retail store. Heavy articles, such as stoves and furniture, do not go up in the elevator, but are retained on the first floor, where they go, first to the repairing and storage room, and then out to the stores. The paper and rags, when baled, are sold to the nearest paper mill for a good price. Some idea of the amount of this class of material may be gained from the fact that the average amount of paper sold by the Industrial Department in the United States is about 2,500 tons per month.

In England and other countries this work has not assumed such large proportions, but there is some difference between the workings of the industrial plant in the City of London and in New York. For instance, at the Salvation Army plant on Hanbury Street, Whitechapel, London, we found, in 1906, a planing mill, a paint and furniture shop, a mattress factory, and a sawmill and cabinet shop. This place had employment for ninety men, of whom twelve were regularly employed and the remainder were transients. The regular employees were paid at a union rate of wages. The men of this industrial plant lived some distance away on Quaker Street, having possession of part of the Salvation Army shelter or hotel there, the total accommodation of which was two hundred and forty. Again, in a different part of the city, over near Deptford, was a wood yard with good machinery, run by electricity, which employed anywhere from sixty to seventy men making kindling wood. On the other hand, at the "Spa Road Elevator," was a plant almost identical with the industrial plants in the United States, where were shipped out an average of 100 pounds of paper every week and several tons of rags in addition, and where was accommodation for some two hundred men.

Branching out from the main industrial plant are nearly always to be found large stores. These are Salvation Army retail stores. These stores are found in the poorest sections of the city, and are patronized by the poorest class. Articles of all descriptions may be purchased here at a very low figure. In each store is a furniture department; a clothing department for men, women and children; a toy department; a department for stoves, pots, etc., and sometimes other departments varying with the size of the store. It is possible, thus, for a poor family moving into the neighborhood to completely furnish themselves and their home from Salvation Army stores at a cost of often less than one-half of what they would pay elsewhere. Each store has a definite connection with the central industrial plant, from which it receives its supplies, its workers and its government, for the stores are merely branches of the central work, and all are under the same general management.

An interesting feature lies in an examination of the labor which is employed. From the cases given at the end of the chapter, it will be seen that it consists of all kinds, classes and nationalities, who, through their own recklessness, or by unfortunate circumstances, have fallen into want. A man willing to work comes to the Army in want of food and shelter, and the Army happens to have accommodation for him. He may go to one of the men's hotels or to the industrial home, or to the central agency of the Army. In any case he will probably be interviewed by an officer specially detailed for the purpose, who will be able to decide in short time what his needs are, and what can be done for him. He may be sent out at once to take some position secured through the employment bureau; he may be sent to the hotel with the understanding that, after being fed and cared for, he will be given an opportunity to pay for it in work; or he may be sent straight to the industrial home. In any case, if possible, he is put to work. He may be in a weak condition physically or mentally, or both, but even then, he can often do something; such, for example, as picking over paper and rags in the sorting room. Meanwhile, he is being fed and housed. If he means well and works earnestly, he is soon able to do some other grade of work. He may have had technical knowledge which will help him. In a few days, possibly, a call is made to the employment bureau, which is maintained in conjunction with each home or group of homes, for a man to fill some position. If suitable, this man may be sent out to take it. On the other hand, he may be retained in the home and employed permanently as a driver on one of the wagons, or as overseer and instructor in one of the rooms, or he may be sent out as assistant to one of the stores, and, in time, he may be given charge of a store. When the men first come to the home, they receive board and clothing and some remuneration, although very slight. If they continue to work at the home, they are paid wages ranging from $1.00 per week up to $4.00 or $5.00 per week, besides board and lodging in the United States, and from 1s. to 9s. in England.

When a man is able, but is lazy and not willing to work, he is turned out. It is well known to those who have studied the question, that there are a large number of such men, but this class does not apply for help as often as it might to the Army, as it soon learns the uselessness of so doing. The officers become quite adept in seeing these men in their true colors. On the other hand, if a man drops into bad habits and goes off on a spree after he has been helped, he will be taken in again afterwards, and this is continued within reason. Much of the labor employed is a surface and floating population, the result of season and periodic work in connection with so many of our industries, and the men are just tided over a hard time in their experiences. This class is larger sometimes than at others, but is always in evidence. Another class, however, consists of the men who have fallen through their own recklessness and bad habits. Some of these men are sent out to positions which they fill creditably, and finally rise as high or higher than they were before. Naturally, the Army makes as much as possible out of these cases for the purpose of advertisement. Owing to evident difficulties, it is impossible to ascertain just what percentage there is of this class among the total number helped, or what percentage of this class itself is successfully aided. The industrial work itself, as a paying business, is developing so fast that a constantly increasing number of men are permanently retained and used as regular employees, being paid regular wages.

When we come to the industrial colony, we find it entirely different from the farm colony, where families are sent to settle upon the land in tracts of say twenty acres per family. The industrial colony is managed like a large farm with many laborers, all under one central head. The original idea was to graduate men from the city plants to the industrial colonies and thence to the farm colonies, but the Army has had difficulty in maintaining its colonies at all, and, as a result, no regular system has been followed. A large proportion of the men on the industrial colony are single, whereas, as will be seen, families are needed for the farm colonies. Again, many of these men are not the kind who will succeed on the farm colony. Sometimes, too, they have not been through the city plant, and sometimes they are men sent directly from the city to get them out of temptations which are too strong for them.

The best example of an industrial colony is the one at Hadleigh, about thirty miles from London, England. This colony has an area of about 3,000 acres. One thousand acres is almost useless now; and when taken by the Army in 1890, the whole consisted of almost worthless land, some of which, as a result of constant labor and fertilization, has been transformed into reasonably good land. A great draw-back and a great expense has been the lack of water, now partially supplied by two artesian wells, the cheaper of which cost over $20,000.00.[15] The population varies from 300 to 700.[16] In 1898, 775 men were admitted to the colony. Out of this number, 193 left after a short residence before they could be influenced for good; 47 were discharged as incorrigible, and 309 graduated, obtaining situations or being restored to their friends.[17] There are three classes received at the colony:

1. Those sent by the Army agencies.

2. Those sent by poor law authorities who pay from 5s. to 10s. per week for periods of from three to twelve months for their maintenance.

3. Special cases sent by philanthropic societies, or by relatives or others.[18]

Another division is made into four classes, thus:

1. Those coming and passing off in a month, not being regular colonists.

2. Those averaging nine months on the colony, and called colonists.

3. Picked men from the second class, who are made employees.

4. Employees hired in the neighborhood for specific purposes.[19]

The proportion of each, according to either specification, is such a variable quantity that nothing can be determined satisfactorily. According to one officer's statement, about one in every five is considered an employee.[20] In the winter of 1903-4, 209 men were sent to Hadleigh and supported there by a special fund, called "The Mansion House Fund for the Relief of the London Unemployed."[21] Out of the class sent by the Army agencies to the colony, a certain number are sent out as emigrants to Canada. For instance, in 1905, 41 were sent out, and in 1906, 58. The party of 58 was composed of five Irishmen, one Welshman, three Scotchmen, and forty-nine Englishmen. These men go to work on different farms in Canada, and some sent out in previous years now have homesteads there. In the colony there are five departments, viz.: the market garden, the brick-making department, the dairy department together with the piggery, the poultry department, and the Inebriate's Home. There is also a store which has an income of $1,000.00 a month. The market garden is one of the best industries, most of the produce being sold in the town of Southend, four miles distant. In the busy season, as many as 100 workers are found in this department. There are four large conservatories, especially for tomatoes and flowers. A good many potatoes are raised, and there is a good deal of land in berries and orchard. There are three brick-yards with the latest improved kilns and machinery. These yards have been a very heavy expense and have not been satisfactory. For instance, in 1898, the year's sale of bricks amounted to L4717, while the expenditure of this department was L5563, this latter sum including the expense of repairing the drying fields, which that year were injured by a flood.[22] In the dairy department about twenty-five head of cattle provide the colony with milk and butter, while sometimes milk is sold at Southend. In the piggery the number of hogs runs from 200 to 500. The poultry department is given over to prize poultry breeding and has been successful in winning some noted prizes. The Inebriate's Home is licensed for twenty male inebriates who are charged from 25s. to 30s. per week. Between 60% and 70% are stated to be reclaimed after an average period of eight months' treatment. In addition to these departments it might be noted that there is a school on the colony with an attendance of 100, some of whom come from outside the colony, and a good sized hall, seating about 400, where gatherings are held for social and religious purposes.

For the feeding and lodging of the colonists, large preparations are made. They are graded according to their position in the colony, and an opportunity is given them to rise from the lower to the higher grades. The superintendent stated that this plan was found useful in stimulating ambition. There are two dormitories, both clean and well-kept, but the higher grade with better bedding and surroundings than the lower. This grading system is also maintained in the dining room, the higher grade of colonists being served with better food than the lower. Everything around the buildings is well-kept and orderly, and the general moral atmosphere of the colony seems to be healthful and up-lifting.

The industrial colony at Ft. Herrick, near Cleveland, Ohio, differs in many ways from the one at Hadleigh, and doubtless has been instrumental in aiding a good number of outcast and fallen men, but it has been such a burden financially, and such an unsolved problem in many ways, that it may be considered a failure. The reason for its failure is not so much bad management as lack of foresight on the part of those choosing the site. The site is in no sense suitable for a colony, the soil being unfit for intensive farming. Probably the best work done there has been the reformation of drunkards, a work in which, according to reports, the colony has been eminently successful.[23]

Coming now to the management of the Industrial Department in the United States, we find that it is an up-to-date business enterprise. The department is controlled by a corporation called "The Salvation Army Industrial Homes Co." already referred to in our introduction.[24] The management of the company is in the hands of the Army.[25] Under this central authority, we find the United States divided into three districts; the eastern district, with headquarters at New York; the central district with headquarters at Cleveland, and the western district with headquarters at Chicago. Each one of these districts has at its head a social secretary, and under him are the different officers in charge of the respective plants. Generally speaking, each local officer is supreme in his individual plant. He can adopt methods and means to suit the environment of his district, provided always that his methods mean success. There are no iron-clad rules to hold him in check beyond a system of bookkeeping and of making out detailed reports, which must be sent to headquarters. When about to engage in some new venture, however, such as securing a new location for his plant, opening up a store, or renting or purchasing new property, he must refer the project to his superior officer, before undertaking it. The local officer in charge has trusted employees under him, such as a warehouse boss, a kitchen boss, and stable boss, etc., each of whom is responsible to the officer for his department.

Although present to some extent in other countries the special field of the industrial work is the United States. The growth in this country during the recent years has been great. In 1896 there were no regular industrial homes; in 1904 there were 49 industrial institutions, and in control of these 49 institutions, there were 70 Army officers and 820 regular employees. The accommodation was about 1,100. During one month there were 225 cases that were considered unsatisfactory. There were 239 horses and wagons in daily use. About 1,000 tons of paper were baled and sold per month. Contrast this with the year 1907. In this year there were 84 officers engaged in these institutions and over 1,200 regular employees. There was accommodation for 1,651 men. The unsatisfactory cases for the year amounted to 1,389. There were 460 horses and wagons in daily use. An average of 2,500 tons of paper was sold each month. 16,875 men were placed in outside positions during the year. No large city in the United States is without this industrial work, and it is to be expected that, within a few years, there will be no city in the country with a population of 100,000 that does not have an industrial home, and that many cities with a smaller population will have one also. Already there are several cities with a population of less than 50,000 that have promising industrial plants. In London, the growth has not been so rapid, and the industrial institutions are run at a loss to the Army, but there are about eight industrial plants in that city, and others are to be found in other large cities of England.

We come now to the question of the value of the Salvation Army industrial work to society. From the preceding brief outline of the methods, material, labor, management and extent of the industrial work, it will be seen that it is a movement, unrestricted in scope, with an unlimited field of development as an economic enterprise. In certain fields where the Army is active, its work is considered of little or no value; but as a result of our investigation into this particular field, the conclusion is reached that, with the exception of the industrial colonies, it is a practical, social work, of value to society.

We make an exception of the industrial colonies because we do not consider that the two experiments already tried by the Army justify their own continuance or the starting of other similar colonies. The reference here is to Fort Herrick in Ohio, and the Hadleigh Colony, near London. These colonies have necessitated a continual sinking of funds contributed by the charitable public, and the return does not justify their expense. The Army should realize this, and admit the fact, instead of drawing wool over the eyes of the ignorant public by the constant reiteration of "the great work done at Hadleigh and Fort Herrick." It looks as though the organization was afraid that the infallibility and sanctity of General Booth's pet scheme would be seriously impaired, if the public should discover that any part of that scheme was a mistake and an unfortunate experiment, and that, for this reason, it has continued to expend much money on it, which might have been turned to better advantage in connection with other parts of General Booth's plan. These colonies are object lessons showing what is unwise to attempt, rather than what can be done. The Army has no need to be ashamed of having made a mistake, and its usefulness along other lines is sufficient to maintain its reputation in spite of the failure of its industrial colonies. There is no need of the industrial colony anyway. The object in view is either to tide workless men over a period of hard times and misfortune, or to restore manhood where evil habits and recklessness have destroyed it, and this can be done and is being done by means of the city industrial work without the aid of the colony. As regards the work of reforming the inebriate, in which the industrial colonies have had some success, that could be carried on without the great expense of a regular colony.

The moral field of the city industrial work derives support from the relation of its management to the spiritual work and influence of the Army. The influence and spirit of the whole organization runs to a certain extent through every branch of its varied developments. This influence cannot be described by comparative means. The spirit, somewhat unique in itself, runs through everything, a spirit which is a mixture and blending of love, gratitude, service and patience. While we think that, in the tendency of this branch to become a business enterprise, there is a considerable decrease in the influence just described, it still has great power. The officers and employees now engaged in this work were themselves not long since outcasts in society. Many of them had despaired of ever making a success of life and were simply drifting. But a helping hand had been stretched out to them, hope had been imparted and new ideals had been placed before them. They might even yet be men, wear decent clothes, stand up straight and look their fellow men in the eye! What wonder that the decent clothes to which they looked forward turned out to be the uniform of the organization which had picked them up from the gutter! What wonder they felt an eternal debt of gratitude toward that organization! While this is not a true expression of their attitude in every case, and while there are some who hold their positions simply because they can get no better, loyalty to the work exists in enough instances to create a distinct moral atmosphere. The men wish to make a success of their new work; they wish to see the Army advance, and to do this they feel that it is essential that the same moral influence which enabled them to become men should be continued. This influence moves almost unconsciously among the industrial plants. For instance, we do not find here the tendency to obscenity which we find in any ordinary factory or workshop. Environment in these plants is all-powerful as an uplifting condition. Cleanliness is encouraged in the dormitory and kitchen. Respectful attention is paid at meals while grace is being said. The reading room is frequented, while the occasional meetings held are sometimes well attended and sometimes not, according to the attraction. The emotional religious element is a great deal in evidence, though not so much as in other departments of the Army. In any case, the element of hope and ambition, which often arises within these social outcasts, making them men once more, is to be considered a great moral asset. The moral influence is due more to the personality of those in charge than to anything else. A large number of the managers have served in connection with the Army's spiritual work and have the desire, as they would tell you, to see every man under them "saved," not only in a moral and social sense, but "saved" in accordance with the Army's special significance of that term.[26] While the Army's special idea of salvation may have no value in itself, still if the emotional element assists in the moral and social salvation of individuals, we have no reason for not tolerating it unless it has evil effects of real importance. Such effects, however, tend to decrease, as the movement advances, and the education and enlightenment of the masses increase.

From an economic point of view, we believe that the work of the Industrial Department has been successful. We have seen that large numbers of men, who are out of work, are taken in by this department and kept for a number of weeks or months, and that, during this time, besides making their own support, and gaining in efficiency, in many cases, they are able to return to a more important part in production. Let us see what this means. While these men are out of work, they are not producing anything. They are idle, and thus a loss to the community. In addition, they are fast losing any potential ability for production, which they have had. But they now become producers, a gain to the community, and their potential ability for production is at least conserved if not increased. Secondly, out-of-work men are a burden on the community. While they continue to live without employment, they must be supported in some way or other by private or public charity, and they form a great item of expense to the community. But in the hands of the Industrial Department, they cease being an expense to the public and become to some extent a gain. Thirdly, some of these men are in danger of becoming members of pseudo-social and anti-social classes; it is from them that the pauper and criminal classes gain recruits. But through the elevating environment of this branch of the Army's work, their character is affected, and they are raised to a higher level. In this way then, in successful cases, the worthless men become workmen. Worthless men are changed into economic assets. The dependents become independent. Working by means of the laws of environment and association, the Army elevates the degenerate from a pseudo-social and anti-social class to a higher level and to social position. Where individuality was lost, independence of character reasserts itself.

Let us consider in detail some of the advantages connected with this form of practical philanthropy. One advantage is, that once started, the work continues and increases without further expenditure on the part of the charitably disposed public beyond the giving away of things for which they have no further use. This is so because the Army here in its work becomes an efficient producer and creates articles which have market value. Leaving all charity alone, the work is paying and more than self-supporting, and thus in a short time will be reimbursed with all the money which was necessary to initiate it. In nearly every city in which the work was started, rented property soon gives place to property owned by the Army and poor ill-suited buildings, to up-to-date structures built for the purpose. An example of this is to be found in the history of the 48th Street Industrial Home in New York City which is briefly described, in the examples given at the end of this chapter.[27] That the entire work has grown self-supporting in the United States is shown by the fact that last year, 1907, there was a net gain of $21,000, after the interest on the loans and investments had been paid. If a home does not show signs of being successful financially, its location will be changed or it will be discontinued.[28]

Another advantage lies in the fact that men who were socially dependent are made self-supporting. We should place emphasis on the effect on the man himself as well as on the community. We saw how these men were given to understand that they were earning their own livelihood and were not recipients of charity, and how they were encouraged by the receipt of wages, to be increased as their productiveness increased. The relief given is true relief in that the man earns it himself and realizes this fact, and because, along with this realization, comes a return of manhood and independence. Of course if men have lost all manhood and have no desire to be independent, but simply to live as easily as possible on what may be given them, the above is not the result; but few such get into the industrial homes, as they know better and have no wish to work as these men do, and if they get in temporarily, they are soon sorted out. Thus it cannot be said of these homes as is said of many institutions, that they pauperize men in place of helping them. The institution that makes men work for everything they get and provides some sort of channel for their ambition, maintaining itself meanwhile as a paying concern, is not pauperizing in its tendency.

Still another advantage of this work is found in the saving of the community's funds. Of late years, more and more, the principle has been advanced and brought before the public, that the starving and unemployed are to be cared for in some way, and we are willing to tax ourselves to provide for this. As far back as the census of 1890, we find that the United States spent annually $40,000,000 in charities and over $12,000,000 in penal and reformatory institutions. Probably the total expenditure for these two objects to-day would be nearer $60,000,000 annually. What percentage of this $60,000,000 would go to the class of people aided by the Army industrial work would be hard to ascertain or approximate, but there is room for a great extension of this kind of work, and the Army's efforts are most suggestive. In some of the European countries, especially Germany, many helpful experiments along this line are in progress, but conditions in the United States are vastly different. In any case social economists are agreed that vast sums are spent annually in our country to little or no purpose from the point of view of social relief. In the year 1907, 8,696 men were cared for in the United States industrial homes of the Army. This means just that amount of saving to the nation that it would have cost the regular municipal and state charities to have dealt with these 8,696 men, since these men were aided by a self-supporting organization and paid for their own support. This work, then, if carried far enough, would effect quite a saving of taxes.

But along with advantages there may be disadvantages. Some objections have been raised to this branch of the Army's work. For instance, it is stated that industries entered into by the Army tend to hurt economic conditions with regard to both wages and prices.[29] With regard to wages it is urged that the Army will keep for its industries, workers in constraint of one kind or another, paying them a lower wage than the same workers could procure outside, and thus lowering the wages in the respective industries. We do not consider this objection a strong one. Let us forget for the present the philanthropic side of the industrial work, and look on it as a distinctly economic enterprise, as a factor of production. We think it quite likely that a manager, anxious above everything else to make his institution a financial success, would make an endeavor to keep as long as possible, and at as low wages as possible, men who could receive more on the outside. He might even try to retain men for whom he could secure better positions through the employment bureau, if he needed their services, and times were so good that no other applicant offered to take their place, but this he could not succeed in doing to any serious extent; for, in the first place, the restraint exercised over the men is very slight, and secondly, if the men could secure better wages, it would not be long before they found it out and left the home voluntarily. It would be just the same as in any industry in which most of the workers are ignorant. They would remain under low wages just as long as their ignorance and lack of initiative would allow, but sooner or later the relatively able man would seek the best wage. Hence the able man would seek the best wage, and his place would be taken by one, possibly morally and physically unable to procure any wage, or, in other words, belonging to the unemployable class. If it should come to the point of the Army's hiring able men to carry on the work without aiding the outcasts, it must compete in the market for them and pay the market price. The only real danger would lie in the Army's industrial work securing a strong enough position in some industry to be able to dictate terms to labor in an industry, but this is so unlikely as to be almost irrelevant and even in such an almost inconceivable case, the danger would be only temporary. Labor would still be able to drift sufficiently to another agency, not controlled by the Army and thus bring up wages again. This is the more true in that any industry, in which the Army engages, must of necessity be one in which unskilled labor is competent.[30] In addition to this, from personal investigation, we can state that a large part of the labor employed in these plants of the Army is at any rate temporarily inefficient labor and would not have much chance in securing employment elsewhere. Finally, though considered a charitable work, this branch of the army is, as already stated, a corporation, a business enterprise financed by investors who receive interest on their investments; hence, to the same extent that it is a financial enterprise, like other such enterprises, it will be governed by the rate of wages.[31]

Another objection has been raised by critics, to the effect that the Army, through its industry, enters into competition with existing firms and companies to the harm of the latter.[32] For instance they urge that in the case of those engaged in second-hand goods and salvage, who are able to make a profit by buying their material, the army enters into an unfair competition, when it takes such material, given in charity, and sells at a lower figure. In so far as the army does undersell others this objection is valid, and we have no doubt that in some cases such is the truth. Doubtless some individuals and firms have been hurt in their business by this under-selling. For instance, in Chicago, the Army has nine retail stores situated in the poorer districts, doing a big business in second hand goods. In addition to those goods it sends into the retail trade, it sells hundreds of tons of paper and rags annually. This must have some effect on others engaged in this business. However, the Army itself sometimes pays for its material and does not often undersell.[33] But there is another side to this question of underselling. Naturally the tendency is to get as much as possible for its goods, and provided there is a market, the army would seek to obtain just as much as any one else in the business. It now falls back on a question of supply and demand. The only way in which the price would be lowered by the Salvation Army would be by an increase of supply. Doubtless the supply of these goods is increased by the thorough work of the Army agents, and, to such an extent, its entrance into this field would tend to lower prices. However, in the leading salvage industries of the army, the increase in supply does no more than offset the increase in demand. The amount of displacement of the salvage and allied industries due to the competition of the army at present would not seem to be much, although of course it is difficult to get any exact figures along this line.

Looking at the Salvation Army retail store as a form of relief, another question arises as to whether the opportunity given to the residents of the district to get things at the Salvation Army's store cheaper than elsewhere interferes with the standard of living. By the standard of living we mean the scale or measure of comfort and satisfaction which a person or a community of persons regards as indispensable to happiness.[34] This would differ in the case of different persons and classes and communities, but progress demands that the standard should never be lowered, but should always be raised, in accord with increasing enlightenment and education.

"It is only," says Dr. Devine, "when individuals or individual families for personal or exceptional or temporary reasons fall below the standard, that charitable assistance can effectively intervene. In other words, as has been pointed out in other connections, the relieving policy cannot be made to raise the general standard of living, but it should be so established as not to depress it"[35].

Here, then, the point is, whether those who are otherwise able to come up to the standard of living in a given community take advantage of this form of charity, or whether the customers of the Salvation Army's stores are living below that standard. To just the extent that the former is true, this part of the work would be pauperizing and retrogressive, but we do not consider the former to be true. Naturally, we have no statistics on this point, but speaking from general observation, we should say that the customers of these stores are needy poor, who are living below the standard, and hence, the store is a boon to them in aiding them toward a realization of that standard.

Let us now sum up our conclusions regarding the industrial work of the Army. Regarding the industrial colonies, we would say that, while doubtless responsible for good and reformation in certain cases, nevertheless, owing to their cost of maintenance and the fact that the work can be done without them, they are not a practical form of charity deserving the intelligent support of the public. Regarding the city industrial work, including the employment, amid a good environment, of men out of work, including also the turning of much otherwise waste matter into an economic good, and the assistance of deserving poor by means of second-hand stores, we would say that it is commendable and deserving of support. This latter conclusion is made in spite of three objections: first, that there is a tendency to lower wages, which objection we do not consider as important for reasons given; second, that underselling of certain commodities by the Army takes place, which objection we admit to a limited extent, and third, that the standard of living is interfered with, which objection we do not consider valid.

Examples of Men in the Army Industrial Homes.

These examples were collected by Mr. Jas. Ward at the two industrial homes situated on West 19th Street and West 48th Street, New York City, during the months of March and April, 1908. Mr. Ward worked right with the men whose cases are given here, and slept in the homes, thus being with them night and day. The home on West 19th Street was an old milk depot rented temporarily by the Army to aid the unemployed during the winter, and had accommodation for two hundred men. Everything was very crude. The men slept on the floor, some without blankets. They were required to work from three to five hours every day, and during the rest of the day, they were allowed to go out and seek for work. The best of these men were drafted out to fill the vacancies in the regular industrial homes of the Army as they occurred. On the other hand, the home on West 48th Street was and is one of the Army's best homes, built for the purpose by the Army in 1907, at a cost of $130,000.00. Everything here is arranged for comfort and cleanliness. The dormitory is of the best, with good ventilation and other sanitary conditions. It is a seven-story building, and has accommodation for one hundred and seventy-five men. Twenty-two wagons are sent out from this home every day. In every way it is a contrast with the West 19th Street home, hence the examples will show some difference, according to which home they refer.

No. 1.

Born in Ireland. Thirty-eight years old. Single. Had no trade. Had worked on a farm in Ireland. Had been in this country fourteen years and had worked somewhat on a farm in this country. Had been out of work two months. Lost his position through an accident and spent three weeks in the hospital. Had since been in the Army Industrial Home for five weeks, and was growing stronger. His appearance was very good.

No. 2.

Born in France. Thirty-five years old. Single. Had people in France but never heard from them. Had no trade. Out of work all winter. Worked on a farm a little in France. In this country fifteen years. Several charitable societies had helped him and he had been in the Industrial Home eight days. The Army gave him clothing and shoes. He looked like a drinking man, but otherwise capable.

No. 3.

Born in Italy. Thirty years old. Married. Had wife in Italy. Left there two years ago, and said he was going to send for his wife when he got the money. He had worked on a farm in Italy, and had worked at different trades in this country. Had been out of work nine weeks. Had been in the Industrial Home two days. Spoke good English. Looked dirty and without much intelligence.

No. 4.

Born in South Carolina. Twenty-three years old. Single. Trade of a plumber. Left his people five months ago and came to New York. Soon spent his money and could find no work. Had been in the Industrial Home three weeks. Said he was going home as soon as he could get the money. Never worked on a farm. Looked capable.

No. 5.

Born in Germany. Forty-two years old. Single. Had been in this country twenty-five years and had followed the water nearly all the time. Got in a fight on the Bowery six months ago and spent five months in jail. Since coming out, he had had odd jobs, and had been in the Industrial Home about two weeks. Looked shiftless and dissipated.

No. 6.

Born in Denver, Colo. American parents. Twenty-six years old. Single. Had people in Philadelphia who did not help him. Machinist by trade. Belonged to the union in Philadelphia. Out of work ten weeks. Said he had $100.00 but it did not last long. Had been in the Industrial Home two days and expected work shortly. Appearance was very good.

No. 7.

Born in Ireland. Forty years old. Married. Had left his family. Had no trade. In this country eight years. Never worked in the country. Out of work all winter. Spent three weeks in the hospital. Said he had consumption. Had been in the Industrial Home four days. Looked very feeble but not dissipated.

No. 8.

Born in New York. American parents. Twenty-six years old. Single. People lived in New York, but he had not lived with them for three years. Had no trade. Had travelled a little. Said he did not like hard work. Had been in the Industrial Home two weeks. The Army gave him clothing and shoes. Said the missions helped him. Expected to wander West when the weather got warm. Looked like a tramp. Never worked in the country.

No. 9.

Born in San Francisco. German parents. Fifty-eight years old. Single. Had no trade. Said he had beaten his way all around the world. Had not worked all winter. In the Industrial Home ten days. Looked shiftless and dissipated. Never worked in the country.

No. 10.

Born in Maine. English parents. Twenty-four years old. Single. Had people in Maine with whom he quarreled. Had no trade. Out of work for four months. In the Industrial Home one week. Never worked on a farm, but had worked in the woods. Did not drink. Looked like a capable man.

No. 11.

Born in Philadelphia. Irish parents. Twenty-six years old. Single. People in Philadelphia who helped him sometimes. Had no trade. Had wandered a good deal. Out of work three months. Said he drank whenever he could get liquor. Expected to go home shortly. Had been in the Industrial Home three days. Looked very shiftless and dissipated.

No. 12.

Born in Ireland. Forty-two years old. Single. Had two sisters in Brooklyn who were poor. In this country eighteen years. Had no regular trade but worked in hotels as porter. Out of work five months. Worked on a farm a good deal in Ireland. Looked like a vagrant.

No. 13.

Born in New York. American parents. Twenty-two years old. Single. Said he was a truck driver. Had been out of work one month. Drank sometimes. Had been in the Industrial Home four days. Expected to leave New York as soon as the weather became warmer. Looked very wild.

No. 14.

Born in Vermont. Mother Irish. Father German. Thirty-two years old. Single. He wrote to his people but they did not help him. Had travelled around a good deal. Had no trade. Said he "got saved" in a mission and they kept him all winter. He said every time he got down, he went to the missions and stayed as long as he could. Had been in the Industrial Home nine days. Had worked on a farm a little. Looked like a vagrant.

No. 15.

Born in London. Twenty-two years old. Single. Seaman by trade. Left his boat one month ago in New York and had done nothing since. Had been in the Industrial Home two weeks and hoped to work his way back to England shortly. His appearance was very good.

No. 16.

Born in New York. American parents. About thirty-five years old. Single. Brick-layer by trade. Did not belong to the union. Out of work four months. Said he had been to every city in the United States and had travelled on freight trains quite often. Looked like a tramp.

No. 17.

Born in Reading, Penna. American parents. Forty years old. Married. Wife dead. One child living with his sister in Pennsylvania. Carpenter by trade. Did not belong to the union. Had been out of work all winter. All his tools were in pawn. The Army had been helping him at times. Said he had to leave his child on account of not working. He looked like a very hard drinker. Had never worked in the country.

No. 18.

Born in Albany, N. Y. American parents. Thirty-five years old. Single. Quarrelled with his people. Had not been home for ten years. Had no trade. Out of work all winter. The missions and the Army had helped him a good deal. Had been in the Industrial Home three days. Never worked in the country. Looked dissipated.

No. 19.

Born in Ireland. Thirty years old. Single. Had people in Ireland who were poor. Came to this country eleven years ago. Had no trade. Out of work two months. Expected a position in Brooklyn the following week. Said he had $60.00 in the bank but lost his book and had to wait to get his money. Had been in the Industrial Home two days. His appearance was good.

No. 20.

Born in Jersey City. Italian parents. Twenty-five years old. Single. Quarrelled with his people. Said he had a step-mother and could not get along with her. Had been in New York five years working at everything. Had no trade. Out of work five months. Had saved some money, but it was all gone. Never worked in the country. In the Industrial Home five days. Said this was the first time he was ever down. Looked like a hopeful case.

No. 21.

Born in Philadelphia. Irish parents. Thirty-two years old. Married. His wife was working and had paid his board all winter, until he came to New York two weeks before on a freight train. Had been in the Industrial Home since, and expected to return to his wife. Carpet-weaver by trade and belonged to the union. Said he drank sometimes, but he looked like a hard drinker. Otherwise very good.

No. 22.

Born in Brooklyn. American parents. Thirty years old. Single. People lived in Brooklyn, but they did not have anything to do with him. Piano-finisher by trade. Did not belong to the union. Was in the army one year and deserted. Out of work three months. Came to New York two months ago. Spent all his money, $50.00, in two days. Had been in the Industrial Home two weeks. Said he was going to reform and get a steady job. Looked like a hard drinker but otherwise capable.

No. 23.

Born in Scranton, Penna. German parents. Fifty years old. Single. Had one sister and one brother at home, but he did not write them. Had no trade. Had travelled all over the United States. Seemed to know a mission in every city. Never worked in the country. Had been in the Industrial Home some time, and said they made him work too hard. Looked like a vagrant.

No. 24.

Born in Springfield, Mass. American parents. Forty years old. Single. Had no trade. Had not worked for over a year. Had been in jail several times for riding freights. Never worked in the country. The missions and the Army had helped him this winter. Looked like a dissipated character.

No. 25.

Born in Germany. Twenty-five years old. Had people in Germany who were poor. Left home eight months ago and came to New York, with a little money. Had not worked since he left home. He spoke broken English. Had no trade. Did not drink much. Had been in the Industrial Home some time. Looked intelligent and capable. Never worked in the country.

No. 26.

Born in Ireland. Forty-five years old. Single. Had no trade. Had been in this country twenty years. Worked a good deal on a farm. Had wandered a good deal. He said the Army were good people and had helped him in different cities. Had been out of work two months. Looked shiftless.

No. 27.

Born in Greenwich, Conn. American parents. Twenty-seven years old. Single. Used to be in business with his father as a plumber in Greenwich, but quarrelled and had not been home for six years. Never worked on a farm. Looked intelligent but very wild. Said he could have anything he wanted at home, if he would leave the drink alone.

No. 28.

Born in Boston, Mass. Scotch parents. Fifty-three years old. Married. Divorced seven years ago. Brass-moulder by trade. Had belonged to the union but lost his membership through non-payment of dues. Out of work three months. He drank a good deal, but looked capable. Never worked in the country.

No. 29.

Born in Cleveland, O. American parents. Twenty-seven years old. Single. Had no regular trade. Made a business of following fairs as a fakir. Never worked in the country. Said the missions and the Army had helped him a good deal this winter. He also spent several nights in the city lodging house. Looked capable but a little dissipated.

No. 30.

Born in Yonkers, N. Y. American parents. Thirty-six years old. Single. Had no trade. Had not worked all winter. Was in the Industrial Home for the fourth time this winter. The missions had helped him. Never worked in the country. Looked like a vagrant.

No. 31.

Born in Germany. Forty years old. Single. Had no trade. Out of work two months. The Army gave him clothing. Had been in the Industrial Home several days. Never stayed in one place very long. Never worked in the country. Looked like a vagrant.

No. 32.

Born in New York. American parents. Thirty-five years old. Single. Had no people, except one brother who was in the West. Had no trade. Out of work four months. Had been in the Industrial Home one week. Never worked in the country. Said when he had money he gambled and played the races. Looked intelligent and capable.

No. 33.

Born in Ireland. Forty five years old. Married. Evidently had left his family. Had no regular trade. Had followed the water a good deal and worked along the docks. Had nothing steady for three months. Was in the Industrial Home for the second time this winter. Worked in the country about two years. Said when the weather got warm he was going to the country. Looked ignorant and dissipated.

No. 34.

Born in New York. American parents. Thirty years old. Single. Trade of a shoe-maker, but he had not worked at it for nearly two years. Out of work three months. Worked in the country a little. Appearance very good.

No. 35.

Born in Philadelphia. American parents. Forty years old. Married. Had buried his wife and three children. Had no trade but followed the circus as laborer. Never worked in the country. Had had no steady work for a year. The Army had been helping him for a month. He said he went on the drunk sometimes. Looked intelligent but in feeble health.

No. 36.

Born in Hungary. Twenty-nine years old. Single. Had people at home but did not write often. In this country eight years. Talked good English. Had no trade. Worked on a farm a good deal in Hungary. Had been in the Industrial Home four days. Looked very hopeful.

No. 37.

Born in Pittsfield, Mass. American parents. Twenty-one years old. Single. Had no trade. Had been in the Industrial Home three months. Was a trusted worker and received $2.50 a week, for driving one of the Army wagons. Never worked in the country. Looked like a respectable man.

No. 38.

Born in Ireland. Fifty-years old. Single. In this country twenty years. Had no trade. Had travelled around the world. Had been in the Industrial Home one month. Said he used to drink, but would never do it again. He was gray-haired and feeble. Never worked in the country.

No. 39.

Born in Ireland. Fifty-five years old. Single. Had no trade but followed the water a good deal. Out of work five months. Had been in the Industrial Home three weeks. Said the Army had helped him before. Looked like a vagrant.

No. 40.

Born in New York. Irish parents. Twenty-eight years old. Single. People lived in New York, but he had not lived home for several years. Quarrelled with his people because of drink. Had no trade. Worked one season in the country. Had been out of work two months. In the Industrial Home two weeks. The Army had fitted him out with clothing. Looked capable but dissipated.

No. 41.

Born in Germany. Thirty-seven years old. Married. Would not say anything about his family. In this country eleven years. Had no trade but followed the water as cook or waiter. Had been out of work all winter. The German Aid Society had helped him. Never worked in the country. Looked dissipated.

No. 42.

Born in England. Sixty-five years old. Married. Wife dead. Five children living, but they did not help him. Came to this country forty years ago. Bricklayer by trade. Belonged to the union, but said they did not help him. Had been out of work five months. Had been in the Industrial Home several times this winter. Looked old, gray-haired and feeble.

No. 43.

Born in New York. American parents. Twenty-five years old. Single. Had no trade. Quarrelled with his people three years ago and had not been home since. Never worked in the country. Had been in the Industrial Home four days. Looked quite capable.

No. 44.

Born in Germany. Twenty-nine years old. Single. Had people in Long Island who were poor. Had no trade, but followed the water a good deal. Out of work four months. In the Industrial Home five weeks. The Army gave him clothes. Said he drank a good deal. Never worked in the country. Looked intelligent but dissipated.

No. 45.

Born in Paterson, N. J. German parents. Twenty-five years old. Had people in Paterson but was ashamed to write to them. Had no trade. Had been in the Industrial Home two months. Looked bright and capable.

No. 46.

Born in Trenton, N. J. Irish parents. Twenty-two years old. Single. Had no trade. Had been out of work three months. In the Industrial Home three weeks. Expected money from home shortly. Never worked in the country. Said he drank a little. His appearance was very good.

No. 47.

Born in Stanwich, Conn. American parents. Twenty-six years old. Single. Had people who were poor. Had no trade. Was brought up on a farm. Came to New York one year ago after a trip through the West. Expected to go back to the country as soon as the weather got warmer. Had been in the Industrial Home ten days. Looked stupid but otherwise capable.

No. 48.

Born in Vermont. American parents. Forty-five years old. Single. Was a tool-maker by trade. Did not belong to the union. Had been out of work three months. Had been in the Industrial Home one month. Said the Army were good people. Appearance was good but somewhat dissipated. Never worked in the country.

No. 49.

Born in Seattle, Washington. Swedish parents. Twenty-eight years old. Single. Had no trade. Out of work two months. In the Industrial Home three weeks. Did not drink. Appearance was good. Never worked in the country.

No. 50.

Born in Ireland. Forty years old. Married. Separated from his wife. In this country fifteen years. Had no trade. Out of work all winter. The Army and the missions had helped him several times. Never worked in the country. Looked shiftless and dissipated.

No. 51.

Born in Scotland. Fifty years old. Single. Had no trade. Had wandered round a lot. Out of work five months. The Scotch Aid Society helped him a good deal this winter. Said he liked to drink. Never worked in the country. Looked like a tramp.

No. 52.

Born in Cleveland, O. American parents. Twenty-eight years old. Married. His wife was living in Cleveland. He left her because of a quarrel. Tool-maker by trade. Did not belong to the Union. Out of work four months. In the Industrial Home one week. Never worked in the country. Looked efficient and capable.

No. 53.

Born in Brooklyn. Irish parents. Fifty years old. Evidently married. Did not wish to talk about it. Had no trade. Out of work all winter. Had received help from the missions and the Army. Drank heavily. Appearance very poor. Never worked in the country.

No. 54.

Born in Boston, Mass. English parents. Twenty-five years old. Single. Had people in Boston, who did not help him. Had no trade. Out of work three months. In the Industrial Home two days. Said he drank sometimes. Never worked in the country. His appearance was very good.

No. 55.

Born in South America. German parents. Twenty years old. Single. Had no trade. Came from South America by working on a boat. Left it two months ago in New York, and had done nothing since. In the Industrial Home three weeks. Never worked in the country. Expected to go back on the boat shortly. Looked like a runaway boy and was bright and attractive.

No. 56.

Born in Long Island. American parents. Fifty years old. Single. Had no trade. Out of work all winter. Had rheumatism and could not do much work. The Army had helped him a good deal, but he expected to go to the hospital. Never worked in the country.

No. 57.

Born in Italy. Thirty years old. Single. Had people in Italy, who were poor. In this country twelve years. Had no trade. Out of work all winter. In the Industrial Home seven days. Said that this was the first time he had ever been out of money. Worked in the country somewhat in Italy. Looked stupid and inefficient.

No. 58.

Born in Cuba. Father American, mother Cuban. Twenty-eight years old. Single. Had people living in Panama who did not help him. Had no trade. He travelled a good deal. Came from the West two weeks ago. Got out of money, and had been in the Industrial Home one week. Looked like a promising case.

No. 59.

Born in Pittsfield, Mass. Irish parents. Fifty-five years old. Single. Had no trade, but followed the water somewhat. Had been out of work five months. In the Industrial Home two weeks. Never worked in the country. His face showed a very hard life. He was gray-haired and feeble.

No. 60.

Born in Scranton, Penna. American parents. Twenty-two years old. Single. His people were living in Scranton, but he was ashamed to write to them. Had no trade. Out of work eight weeks. In the Industrial Home one week. Never worked in the country. Looked very wild, but otherwise capable.

No. 61.

Born in New York. German parents. Thirty years old. Single. Two sisters lived in New York, but did not help him because he drank too much. Had no trade. Had had no steady work all winter. Looked dissipated. Never worked in the country.

No. 62.

Born in Ireland. Fifty years old. Married. Wife dead. No children. Had no trade. Out of work three months. Had been in the Industrial Home one month. Never worked in the country. Looked like a hard drinker.

No. 63.

Born in Chicago. American parents. Twenty-four years old. Single. People in Chicago helped him sometimes. Had no trade. Had been working in the Industrial Home in the kitchen all winter at $1.00 per week. The Army had fitted him up, and he looked very respectable.

No. 64.

Born in Germany. About forty years old. Single. No people living. Followed the water. Out of work two months. In the Industrial Home three weeks. The Army gave him clothes. He looked like a hard drinker, but otherwise capable. Never worked in the country.

No. 65.

Born in Cambridge, Mass. Irish parents. Forty-eight years old. Single. Had no trade. Had travelled all over the country. Had been out of work four months, and had been in the Industrial Home two days. Never worked in the country. Looked like a hard drinker.

No. 66.

Born in Lynn, Mass. American parents. About fifty years old. Single. Had no trade. Out of work all winter. Had travelled widely and beaten his way on freight trains. In the Industrial Home three times this winter. Never worked in the country. Looked shiftless.

No. 67.

Born in New York. Irish parents. Twenty-eight years old. Single. Quarrelled with his people. A rigger by trade. Did not belong to the Union. Out of work six weeks. In the Industrial Home ten days. Said he drank a little. Looked capable. Never worked in the country.

No. 68.

Born in Germany. About thirty years old. Single. People in Germany did not help him. Waiter by trade. In the Industrial Home two weeks. Had no steady work all Winter. Never worked in the country. Expected a position in a few days. Looked stupid, but otherwise capable.

No. 69.

Born in Philadelphia. Hungarian parents. Thirty-five years old. Single. People dead. Had no trade. Out of work all winter. Different charitable organizations had helped him. Had been in the Industrial Home one week. Did not like to work. Worked in the country a little. Looked shiftless.

No. 70.

Born in Jersey City. Irish parents. Fifty-five years old. Married. Wife dead. Had no trade. Had travelled a good deal. Out of work all winter. Had been in the Industrial Home six weeks. The Army fitted him out with clothing. He said he was not going to drink any more, and looked intelligent, but was getting old. Never worked in the country.

No. 71.

Born in Germany. Twenty-six years old. Single. In this country six years. Had people in Germany, and he expected help from them. Machinist by trade. Did not belong to the Union. Out of work four months. In the Industrial Home two days. Looked like a wild youth. Never worked in the country.

No. 72.

Born in Ireland. Forty-five years old. Single. Had no trade. Out of work all winter. Drank heavily. Worked in the country two years. Had wandered all over the States. Looked like a vagrant.

No. 73.

Born in New York. American parents. Twenty-eight years old. Single. Had no trade. Out of work all winter. In the Industrial Home four days. Army gave him clothes. The missions had helped him. Never worked in the country. Looked capable.

No. 74.

Born in Scotland. Forty-one years old. Single. Had no trade. Out of work four months. In the Industrial Home three days. Admitted that he drank heavily. Never worked in the country. Looked like a tramp.

No. 75.

Born in Chicago. American parents. Twenty-two years old. Single. People in Chicago were poor. Left home two months ago and came to New York. Spent all his money. The Army took him in, and for six weeks he had been in the Home. He wrote home. Expected to get work shortly. Looked bright and respectable.

No. 76.

Born in Boston, Mass. Irish parents. Twenty-four years old. Single. Had no trade. Had wandered a good deal. Never worked in the country. Had been in the Industrial Home one week. Did not like to work. Looked like a tramp.

No. 77.

Born in Germany. Forty years old. Married. Wife lived in Germany with two children. Had been in this country four years and expected his wife next summer. Plumber by trade. Did not belong to the Union. Out of work two months. In the Industrial Home one week, after a very hard struggle around the streets. Said he drank a little. Appearance was very good.

No. 78.

Born in Washington, D. C. Forty-five years old. Single. Had no people. Had no trade. Belonged to the United States Army six years. Out of work all winter. In the Industrial Home three weeks. Worked in the country a good deal. Looked shiftless.

No. 79.

Born in Ireland. Thirty-five years old. Single. Hod carrier by trade. Belonged to the Union. Out of work five months. In the Industrial Home four days. Looked capable and efficient. Never worked in the country.

No. 80.

Born in Germany. Fifty-two years old. Married. Wife dead. Followed the water most of the time. Out of work all winter. In the Industrial Home three days. Appearance very poor. Never worked in the country.

No. 81.

Born in New York. Twenty-eight years old. Single. People lived in New York, but did not help him. Out of work all winter. Had no trade. Had been in the Industrial Home one month. Looked like a dissipated character. Never worked in the country.

No. 82.

Born in Boston, Mass. Swedish parents. Thirty years old. Single. Iron worker by trade. Did not belong to the Union. Had been out of work five months. Had been in the Industrial Home five weeks. Never worked in the country. He drank a good deal, but looked capable.

No. 83.

Born in England. Eighteen years old. Single. In this country two years. Had no trade. Out of work one month. Had been in the Industrial Home three weeks. Had secured a position on a ship going to England, starting in three days. Looked like a straight-forward boy.

No. 84.

Born in Albany, N. Y. American parents. Twenty-four years old. Single. Had no trade. Joined the navy two years ago. Deserted, was captured and spent one year in jail. Had been out three months and had not worked since. Had been in the Industrial Home one month. Appearance was good. Never worked in the country.

No. 85.

Born in Ireland. Fifty years old. Single. Had no trade. Had wandered all around the world. Out of work all winter. In the Industrial Home two or three times. Said he worked one year on a farm. He was crippled and looked feeble.

No. 86.

Born in Germany. Twenty-five years old. Single. People in Germany, but he did not write home. Had no trade. In this country five years. Out of work two months. Never worked in the country. Had been in the Industrial Home one day. Seemed to lack ambition.

No. 87.

Born in Denver, Colo. Irish parents. Fifty-five years old. Married. Separated from his wife five years ago. Painter by trade. Did not belong to the Union. Out of work all winter. In the Industrial Home three weeks. Appearance was very poor. Never worked in the country.

No. 88.

Born in Sweden. Twenty-two years old. Single. People at home sent him money sometimes. He said he had also sent money home. Had no trade. Out of work three months. In the Industrial Home four days. Used to work in the country in Sweden. In this country three years. Looked capable.

No. 89.

Born in Dublin, Ireland. Thirty-one years old. Single. In this country two years. Had no trade. Out of work ten weeks. In the Industrial Home three weeks. Worked in the country for a few months. Appearance was very good.

No. 90.

Born in New York. American parents. Twenty-five years old. Single. Had people in New York, but had nothing to do with them. He wandered a lot. Had no trade. Never worked in the country. Out of work all winter. The Army and missions had helped him. In the Industrial Home three days. Looked like a vagrant.

No. 91.

Born in Germany. Forty years old. Single. Had no people. Followed the water most of the time. Out of work seven months. Was in the German Hospital three months with hip disease. He was still crippled and could not work well. Had been in the Industrial Home three weeks. Looked very feeble. Never worked in the country.

No. 92.

Born in Washington, D. C. American parents. Twenty-six years old. Single. Was in the navy five years. Had no trade. Out of work all winter. In the Industrial Home three days. Never worked in the country. Acted very queerly and evidently had weak mind.

No. 93.

Born in New York. American parents. Thirty years old. Single. Carpenter by trade. Out of work four months. In the Industrial Home six weeks. The Army gave him clothing. Never worked in the country. Used to drink heavily. Looked capable.

No. 94.

Born in England. Twenty-four years old. Single. Had people in England, and he wrote home sometimes. Had no trade. Out of work three months. In the Industrial Home five weeks. Worked in the country one summer. Had been in this country three years. Did not drink. Looked very intelligent and capable.

No. 95.

Born in Providence, R. I. Irish parents. Forty-five years old. Single. Had no trade. Had beaten his way all through the country. Never worked in the country. The Army had helped him a good deal. Had been in the Home three months and said he had not taken a drink during that time. He looked bright and responsible, but showed the signs of a hard life.

No. 96.

Born in Ireland. Thirty years old. Single. People lived in Ireland. In this country four years. Never wrote home. Had no trade. Worked in the country one year. In the Industrial Home two weeks. Appearance was good but dissipated.

No. 97.

Born in Trenton, N. J. American parents. Twenty-five years old. Single. Followed the water a good deal. Out of work all winter. Had been in the Industrial Home eight weeks. Never worked in the country. Looked capable.

No. 98.

Born in Brooklyn. American parents. Twenty-six years old. Single. Had no trade. Out of work all winter. In the Industrial Home two weeks. Army gave him clothing. He looked intelligent and capable. Never worked in the country.

No. 99.

Born in Germany. Forty-five years old. People lived in Germany, but he did not write home. Had no trade. Out of work all winter. He travelled round a good deal and drank heavily. Had worked a good deal in the country. Had been in the Industrial Home four months, and said he was going to reform. Looked like a hopeful case.

No. 100.

Born in Portland, Oregon. American parents. Twenty-six years old. Single. Had no trade. Had travelled a good deal. Out of work all winter. In the Industrial Home three months. Expected money from home soon, and expected to go West. Said he had worked on a farm a good deal. Looked stupid but otherwise capable.

No. 101.

Born in Vermont. American parents. Thirty years old. Single. Carpenter by trade. Belonged to the Union. Out of work all winter. In the Industrial Home one week. Never worked in the country. The missions had helped him a good deal this winter. Looked capable.

No. 102.

Born in Boston, Mass. Irish parents. Fifty-two years old. Single. People all dead. Had no trade. Out of work four months. In the Industrial Home three weeks. Said he had ruined his life through drink. Was in the hospital two months this winter. He never worked in the country. He was crippled and could not work much.

No. 103.

Born in Chicago. American parents. Twenty-five years old. Single. Had people in Chicago, but ran away four years ago. Had no trade. Out of work three months. In the Industrial Home two months. Never worked in the country. Looked like a hopeful case.

No. 104.

Born in Cincinnati, O. American parents. Thirty-five years old. Single. Had no trade. Had wandered a good deal. Never worked in the country. In the Industrial Home two weeks. Appearance was good but dissipated.

No. 105.

Born in New York. Irish parents. Twenty-five years old. Single. Had people in New York, but they were unable to help him. Had no trade. Out of work all winter. Had been in the Industrial Home five weeks. Never worked in the country. Said he drank a little. Appearance was very good.

No. 106.

Born in Chicago. American parents. Twenty-five years old. Single. Had no trade. Out of work all winter. In the Industrial Home three months. Never worked in the country. The Army had helped him to become respectable, he said. Looked capable.

No. 107.

Born in Ireland. Forty-eight years old. Single. People dead. Had no trade. Out of work two months. Had wandered a lot. In the Industrial Home three weeks. Had worked in the country somewhat. Looked dissipated.

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