HotFreeBooks.com
The Tinguian - Social, Religious, and Economic Life of a Philippine Tribe
by Fay-Cooper Cole
1  2  3  4  5  6  7     Next Part
Home - Random Browse

The Tinguian Social, Religious, and Economic Life of a Philippine Tribe



By Fay-Cooper Cole Assistant Curator of Malayan Ethnology



1922



CONTENTS



List of Illustrations Introduction I. Geographical Relations and History II. Physical Type and Relationships III. The Cycle of Life

Birth Childhood Engagement and Marriage Death and Burial The Layog

IV. Religion and Magic V. The Ceremonies

1. The Minor Ceremonies 2. The Great Ceremonies 3. Special Ceremonies

VI. Social Organization. Government. The Village VII. Warfare, Hunting, and Fishing VIII. Economic Life

Rice Culture Cultivated Plants and Trees Wild Plants and Trees Plants and Trees Used in the Treatment of Disease Use of Betel-Nut, Tobacco, and Stimulants Domestic Animals

IX. Products of Industry

Iron-Working Spinning and Weaving Manufacture of Rope and String Bark Cloth Basket Making Mats Dyes Net Making Manufacture of Pottery Pipe Making Method of Drying Hides

X. Decorative Art XI. Personal Adornment, Dances, and Musical Instruments XII. Music, By Albert Gale Conclusions



LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Text-Figures

1. Child's Cradle and Jumper 2. Diagram of a Game 3. Cross Sections Showing Types of Graves 4. Ceremonial Paraphernalia 5. Household Objects 6. Spoons and Ladles 7. Types of Knives 8. Head-axes 9. Spears 10. Shields 11. Chicken Snare 12. Bird Snares 13. Fishing Devices 14. Grass Knife; Root Adze; Rice Cutter 15. Agricultural Implements 16. Devices Used in Spinning and Weaving 17. Rope-Making Appliances 18. Bark Beater 19. Basket Weaves 20. Net Needle and Mesh Stick 21. Tobacco-Pipes 22. Designs on Pipes and Pottery 23. Decorative Designs 24. Patterns Used in Weaving 25. Blanket Designs 26. Musical Instruments



PLATES

Frontispiece: Map of Northwestern Luzon. I. The Province of Abra, Looking Inland from the Coast Range. II. Abra, Looking toward the Sea from the Top of the Cordillera Central. III. Manabo Man. IV. Man of Ba-ak. V. Manabo Woman. VI. Woman of Patok. VII. A Mountain Tinguian from Likuan. VIII. A Young Man from Likuan. IX. Girl from the Mountain Village of Lamaw (Photograph from Philippine Bureau of Science). X. A Woman from Lamaw (Photograph from Philippine Bureau of Science). XI. A Typical Small Boy (Photograph from Philippine Bureau of Science). XII. The Baby Tender. XIII. A Betrothed Maiden. XIV. The Wedding. XV. Mothers and Babies. XVI. Funeral of Malakay. XVII. The Whipping at a Funeral. XVIII. Inapapaiag. An Offering to the Spirits. XIX. The Medium's Outfit. XX. Ceremonial Houses. XXI. Balaua. The Greatest of the Spirit Structures. XXII. Spirit Houses in a Garden. XXIII. The Kalangan: A Spirit House; Second in Importance. XXIV. The Saloko. A Split Bamboo, in which Offerings are Placed. Ceremonies. XXV. The Saloko. A Spirit Bamboo, in which Offerings are Placed. XXVI. Ready to Launch the Spirit Raft on the River. XXVII. The Tangpap. An Important Spirit Structure. XXVIII. Gateway at Likuan. XXIX. Pottery Houses, for the Spirit of the Rice. XXX. A Medium Making an Offering to the Guardian Stones. XXXI. Ceremonial Pounding of the Rice. XXXII. Renewing the Offering on the Spirit Shield. XXXIII. Singeing a Pig at a Ceremony. XXXIV. Offering of the Pigs to the Spirits. XXXV. The Sayang Ceremony. XXXVI. Potters at Work. XXXVII. A Family of Laba-an. XXXVIII. The Village of Sallapadin. XXXIX. Typical Houses. XL. House Building. XLI. Roofing a House. XLII. Water Carriers (Photograph from Philippine Bureau of Science). XLIII. A Tinguian Housewife (Photograph from Philippine Bureau of Science). XLIV. A Warrior. XLV. Hunter Fitted for the Trail. XLVI. Hunting Party on Mt. Posoey. XLVII. Shooting the Blowgun. XLVIII. Highland Field and Terraces at Patok. XLIX. The Rice Terraces near Likuan. L. Plowing in the Lower Terraces. LI. Taking Rice Sprouts from the Seed Beds. LII. Transplanting the Rice. LIII. Bird Scarers in the Fields. LIV. Harvesting the Rice. LV. The Rice Granary. LVI. Pounding Rice (Photograph from Philippine Bureau of Science). LVII. Winnowing and Sifting (Photograph from Philippine Bureau of Science). LVIII. Drying Corn. LIX. Breaking the Corn between Two Stones. LX. Preparing Tobacco. LXI. Feeding the Pigs. LXII. A Typical Forge of the Iron Workers. LXIII. Ginning Cotton and Sizing the Thread. LXIV. Beating Cotton on a Carabao Hide. LXV. Spinning (Photograph from Philippine Bureau of Science). LXVI. Weaving a Blanket. LXVII. Basket Making. LXVIII. Basket Types. LXIX. Basket Types. LXX. The Net Maker. LXXI. Ceremonial Blanket. LXXII. Blankets Showing Designs. LXXIII. Blankets Showing Designs. LXXIV. Woven Belts and Clouts. LXXV. Men of Sallapadin. LXXVI. Typical Dress of the Man. LXXVII. Women in Full Dress. LXXVIII. Customary Dress of the Woman. LXXIX. Women's Arm Beads. LXXX. Woman Wearing Girdle and Clout (Photograph from Philippine Bureau of Science). LXXXI, 1. Dancing Tadek at a Ceremony. LXXXI, 2. Beating the Copper Gongs. LXXXII. The Nose Flute. LXXXIII. Playing on Bamboo Guitars.



THE TINGUIAN

INTRODUCTION

It seems desirable, at the outset, to set forth certain general conclusions regarding the Tinguian and their neighbors. Probably no pagan tribe of the Philippines has received more frequent notice in literature, or has been the subject of more theories regarding its origin, despite the fact that information concerning it has been exceedingly scanty, and careful observations on the language and physical types have been totally lacking.

According to various writers, these people are descended from Chinese, Japanese, or Arabs; are typical Malay; are identical with the Igorot; are pacific, hospitable, and industrious; are inveterate head-hunters, inhospitable, lazy, and dirty. The detailed discussion of these assertions will follow later in the volume, but at this point I wish to state briefly the racial and cultural situation, as I believe it to exist in northwestern Luzon.

I am under the impression that at one time this whole region was inhabited by pygmy blacks, known as Aeta or Negrito, small groups of whom still retain their identity. With the coming of an alien people they were pressed back from the coasts to the less hospitable regions of the interior, where they were, for the most part, exterminated, but they intermarried with the invaders to such an extent that to-day there is no tribe or group in northwestern Luzon but shows evidence of intermixture with them. I believe that the newcomers were drawn from the so-called primitive Malay peoples of southeastern Asia; that in their movement eastward and northward they met with and absorbed remnants of an earlier migration made up of a people closely related to the Polynesians, and that the results of this intermixture are still evident, not only in Luzon, but in every part of the Archipelago.

In northern Luzon, I hold, we find evidences of at least two series of waves and periods of migration, the members of which are similar physical type and language. It appears, however, that they came from somewhat different localities of southeastern Asia and had, in their old homes, developed social organizations and other elements of culture radically different from one another—institutions and groupings which they brought with them to the Philippines, and which they have maintained up to the present time.

To the first series belong the Igorot [1] with their institutions of trial marriage; division of their settlements into social and political units known as ato; separate dormitories for unmarried men and women; government by the federated divisions of a village as represented by the old men; and a peculiar and characteristic type of dwelling.

In the second wave series we find the Apayo, the western division at least of the people known as Kalinga, the Tinguian, and Ilocano. [2] In none of these groups do we find the institutions just mentioned. Trial unions are unknown, and marriage restrictions are based solely on blood relationship; government is through the headman aided by the elders of his village, or is a pure democracy. Considerable variation exists between the dwellings of these four peoples, yet they conform to a general type which is radically different from that of the Igorot.

The Apayao and Kalinga divisions of this second wave series, by reason of their environment, their more isolated localities and consequent lack of frequent communication with the coast, have a simpler culture than that of the Tinguian; yet they have, during many generations, developed certain traits and institutions now apparently peculiar to them. The Tinguian and Ilocano, on the other hand, have had the advantages of outside communication of extensive trade, and the admixture of a certain amount of foreign blood.

These last two groups evidently left their ancient home as a unit, at a time prior to the Hindu domination of Java and Sumatra, but probably not until the influence of that civilization had begun to make itself felt. Traces of Indian culture are still to be found in the language, folklore, religion, and economic life of this people, while the native script which the Spanish found in use among the Ilocano seems, without doubt, to owe its origin to that source.

After reaching Luzon, this people slowly broke up into groups which spread out over the provinces of Ilocos Sur and Norte, Union and Abra. The partial isolation of some of these divisions, local feuds, the universal custom of head-hunting, and the need of human victims to accompany the spirits of the dead, all doubtless aided in separating the tribe into a number of dialect groups,—groups which nevertheless retained the old culture to a surprising degree.

Long before the arrival of the Spanish, Chinese and Japanese traders were visiting the Ilocos coasts. We are also informed that merchants from Macao and India went there from time to time, while trade relations with Pangasinan and the Tagalog provinces were well developed.

The leavening influence of trade and contact with other peoples resulted in such advancement that this people was early mentioned as one of the six "civilized" tribes of the Philippines.

Upon the arrival of Salcedo, the greater portion of the coast people accepted the rule of Spain and the Christian religion, while the more conservative element retired to the interior, and there became merged with the mountain people. To the Spaniards, the Christianized natives became known as Ilocano, while the people of the mountain valleys were called Tinguian, or mountain dwellers.

If the foregoing sketch is correct, as I believe the data which follow prove it to be, we find in the Tinguian of to-day a people living much the same sort of life as did the members of the more advanced groups at the time of the Spanish invasion, and we can study in them early Philippine society stripped of its European veneer.

This second and concluding section of Volume XIV gives the greater part of the results of an investigation carried on by me with the assistance of Mrs. Cole among the Tinguian, from January, 1907, to June, 1908; the funds for which were furnished Field Museum of Natural History by the late Robert F. Cummings. The further generosity of Mrs. Cummings, in contributing a fund toward the printing of this publication is also gratefully acknowledged.

A collection of texts and a study of the language are contemplated for a separate volume, as is also the detailed treatment of the anthropometric data.

For the transcription of the phonograph records and the chapter on Music, I am indebted to Mr. Albert Gale. His painstaking analysis establishes beyond question the value of the phonograph as an aid in ethnographic research.

The photographs, unless otherwise noted, were taken by the author in the field.



CHAPTER I

GEOGRAPHICAL RELATIONS AND HISTORY

The Tinguian are a pagan Philippine people who inhabit chiefly the mountain province of Abra in northwestern Luzon. From this center their settlements radiate in all directions. To the north and west, they extend into Ilocos Sur and Norte as far as Kabittaoran. Manabo, on the south, is their last settlement; but Barit, Amtuagan, Gayaman, and Luluno are Tinguian mixed with Igorot from Agawa and Sagada. Villaviciosa is an Igorot settlement from Sagada, but Bulilising, still farther south, is predominantly Tinguian. Sigay in Amburayan is said to be made up of emigrants from Abra, while a few rancherias in Lepanto are likewise much influenced. The non-Christian population of Ilocos Sur, south of Vigan, is commonly called Tinguian, but only seven villages are properly so classed; [3] four others are inhabited by a mixed population, while the balance are Igorot colonies from Titipan, Sagada, and Fidilisan. Along the Cordillera Central, from the head-waters of the Saltan (Malokbot) river as far south as Balatok, is found a population of mixed Tinguian, Kalinga, and Igorot blood. Kalinga predominates north of Balbalasang and along the Gobang river, while the Igorot is dominant in Guina-an, Lubuagan, and Balatok. Tinguian intermarriage has not extended far beyond Balbalasang, but their culture and dress have affected the whole region. [4] From this belt there have been extensive migrations into Abra, the newcomers for the most part marrying with the Tinguian, but in the Ikmin river valley emigrants from Balatok formed the towns of Danok, Amti, and Doa-angan, which have remained quite isolated up to the present time. Agsimao and other towns of the Tineg group, in the extreme northern end of Abra, are made up chiefly of Apayao mixed with Kalinga, while all the villages on the headwaters of the Binongan have received emigrants from the Kagayan side. The population of the towns properly classed as Tinguian is approximately twenty thousand individuals. [5]

From the foregoing it is seen that, with the exception of a few villages of mixed descent, all their territory lies on the western side of the Cordillera Central, [6] the great mountain range which runs from north to south through northern Luzon.

As one emerges from the jungle, which covers the eastern slopes of these mountains, and looks down over the province of Abra, he sees an exceedingly broken land (Plates I and II), the subordinate ranges succeeding one another like the waves of the sea. The first impression is one of barrenness. The forest vanishes, and in its place are long grassy slopes, broken here and there by scattered pines and lower down by dense growths of the graceful, feathery bamboo. But this lack of trees is more fancied than real, for as one proceeds down any of the valleys he meets with side canyons, where the tropical jungle still holds sway, while many a mountain side is covered with a dense undergrowth of shrubs, plants, and vines. It seems probable that the forest once covered the western slopes of the mountains, but accident and intention on the part of man has cleared broad sections. As soon as the shade is removed, the land is invaded by a coarse grass (the cogon), and this is burned over each year in order to provide feed for the stock and to make good hunting grounds. The young trees are killed off and reforesting prevented.

Numerous streams plunge from the high mountains toward the coast. In places they rush through deep gorges between high mountains, again they pass peacefully through mountain valleys. Everywhere they are fed by minor streams and waterfalls until at last, as they emerge into the broader valleys of the Abra and its tributaries, they are rivers of respectable size.

The great central valley of Abra is far from being a level plain. In places, as about Manabo, Bukay, and Bangued, there are stretches of level land; but, for the most part, the country is rough and broken. This valley is cut off from the sea by the Coast Range of mountains which forms the provincial line between Abra and Ilocos Sur, while another heavy spur forms the northern limits of Abra from Ilocos Sur to the Cordillera Central. Two small and rather difficult passes afford entrance from the coastal plain into the valley, but the chief avenue of communication is the cut through which the Abra river reaches the sea. So narrow is this entrance that, at high water, the river completely covers the floor and often raises its waters ten or fifteen feet up the canyon side. In recent years a road has been cut in the rocks above the flood waters, but even to-day most of the traffic between Abra and the coast is carried on by means of rafts which are poled up the river. [7]

The rainfall averages about one hundred inches, and most of this precipitation takes place between May and the end of September. This, coupled with the lack of forest, causes the rivers to become rushing torrents during the rainy season, while during the balance of the year most of them are mere rivulets. Under these conditions there has been no development of navigation by the mountaineers. On occasion they may construct a bamboo raft, but they possess no boats of any description.

The great fluctuation of the streams makes fishing an uncertain occupation; yet at least a dozen varieties of fish are known, and enough are taken to add materially to the food supply.

Deer and pig are fairly abundant, and a considerable number is killed each year; wild carabao roam the mountain sides and uninhabited valleys, but they are dangerous animals, and can seldom be taken with the primitive weapons of the natives. Wild chickens are plentiful, and many are snared, together with smaller birds. In fact, there is sufficient game and fish to support a considerable population, if the people would turn seriously to their capture, so that the oft repeated statement that the mountaineers of Abra were forced to agriculture is not entirely accurate. It seems much more probable that, at the time of their entrance into the interior valleys, the Tinguian were already acquainted with terraced hillside fields, and that they developed them as needed.

The soil is fairly fertile, the rainfall abundant during the growing season, and the climate warm enough to insure good crops. The thermometer ranges between 80 deg. and 85 deg. during the day, but there is generally a land or sea breeze, so that actual discomfort from the heat is unusual. The nights are somewhat cooler, but a drop of a few degrees is felt so keenly that a person may be uncomfortarble at 70 deg..

Fogs and cold rains are not uncommon during the wet season, while one or more typhoons can be expected each year. Earthquakes are likewise of occasional occurrence, but the construction of the houses is such that storms and earthquakes do much less damage than along the coast.

There is no doubt that the natural ruggedness of the country and the long rainy season have had a strong influence on the people, but this has been chiefly in isolating them in small groups. The high mountains separating the narrow valleys, the lack of water transportation, the difficulty of maintaining trails, have all tended to keep the people in small communities, while the practice of head-hunting has likewise raised a barrier to free communication. Thus, the settlements within a limited area have become self-sustaining groups; a condition which has existed long enough to allow for the development of five dialects.

The traditions of the Tinguian furnish us with no stories of an earlier home than Luzon, but there are many accounts of migrations from the coast back into the mountains, after the arrival of the Spaniards and the Christianization of the Ilocano. The fact that there is an historical background for these tales is amply proven by fragments of pottery and the like, which the writer has recovered from the reported sites of ancient settlements.

The part played by this people in Philippine history is small indeed, and most of the references to them have been of an incidental nature.

Apparently, they first came in contact with the Spanish in 1572 when Salcedo was entrusted with the task of subduing that part of Luzon now known as the Ilocano provinces. The people he encountered are described as being more barbarous than the Tagalog, not so light complexioned, nor so well clad, but husbandmen who possessed large fields, and whose land abounded in rice and cotton.

Their villages were of considerable size, and each was ruled over by a local headman who owed allegiance to no central authority, There was a uniform, well recognized code of law or custom, and a considerable part of the population could read and write in a native script similar to that of the Tagalog. They also possessed gold, which was reported to have come from rich mines in the interior, and on primitive forges were turning out excellent steel weapons, but the use of fire-arms was unknown. According to Reyes, their weapons consisted of lances, bows and arrows, bolos, great shields which protected them from head to foot, blow guns and poisoned arrows. The newcomers also found a flourishing trade being carried on with Manila and the settlements in Pangasinan, as well as with the Chinese. This trade was of such importance that, as early as 1580 pirate fleets from Japan frequently scoured the coast in search of Chinese vessels and goods, while from time to time Japanese traders visited the Ilocos ports.

Apparently trade relations were not interrupted for a considerable time after the arrival of the Spaniards, for in 1629 Medina states that ships from China, Macao, and India "are accustomed to anchor in these ports—and all to the advantage of this district." [8]

That pre-Spanish trade was not restricted to the Ilocos provinces, but was active along the whole northern coast of Luzon has been amply proved by many writers. In fact, the inhabitants of Pangasinan not only had trade relations with Borneo, Japan, and China, [9] but it now seems probable that they can be identified as the Ping-ka-shi-lan who, as early as 1406, sent an embassy to China with gifts of horses, silver, and other objects for the emperor Yung-lo. [10]

Trade relations of an even earlier date are evident throughout all this area, in the presence far in the interior of Chinese pottery of the fourteenth century and possibly of the tenth. [11]

With friendly relations so long established, it is to be expected that many evidences of Chinese material culture would be found in all the northern provinces; and it is not unlikely that a considerable amount of Chinese blood may have been introduced into the population in ancient times, as it has been during the historic period. It does not seem probable, however that either the influence of Chinese blood or culture need have been stronger in the Ilocos provinces than in the other regions which they visited.

When Salcedo attempted a landing at Vigan, he was at first opposed; but the superior weapons of the Spaniards quickly overcame all resistance, and the invaders took possession of the city, which they rechristened Fernandino. From this center they carried on an energetic campaign of reduction and Christianization. As fast as the natives accepted the rule of Spain, they were baptized and taken into the church, and so rapid was the process that by 1587 the Ilocano were reported to be Christianized. [12] In fact, force played such a part that Fray Martin de Herrada, who wrote from Ilocos in June, 1574, protested that the reduction was accomplished through fear, for if the people remained in their villages and received the rule of Spain and the Church, they were accepted as friends and forthwith compelled to pay tribute; but if they resisted and fled to other settlements, the troops followed and pillaged and laid waste their new dwellings. [13]

Paralleling the coast, a few miles inland, is a range of mountains on the far side of which lie the broad valleys of the Abra river and its tributaries. The more conservative elements of the population retreated to the mountain valleys, and from these secure retreats bade defiance to the newcomers and their religion. To these mountaineers was applied the name Tinguianes—a term at first used to designate the mountain dwellers throughout the Islands, but later usually restricted to his tribe. [14] The Tinguian themselves do not use or know the appellation, but call themselves Itneg, a name which should be used for them but for the fact that they are already established in literature under the former term.

Although they were in constant feuds among themselves, the mountain people do not appear to have given the newcomers much trouble until toward the end of the sixteenth century, when hostile raids against the coast settlements became rather frequent. To protect the Christianized natives, as well as to aid in the conversion of these heathens, the Spanish, in 1598, entered the valley of the Abra and established a garrison at the village of Bangued. [15]

As before, the natives abandoned their homes and retreated several miles farther up the river, where they established the settlement of Lagangilang.

From Bangued as a center, the Augustinian friars worked tirelessly to convert the pagans, but with so little success that San Antonio, [16] writing in 1738, says of the Tinguian, that little fruit was obtained, despite extensive missions, and that although he had made extraordinary efforts, he had even failed to learn their number.

In the mountains of Ilocos Sur, the missionaries met with somewhat better success, and in 1704 Olarte states that in the two preceding years one hundred and fifty-six "infidel Tinguianes" had been converted and baptized. Again, in 1760, four hundred and fifty-four converts are reported to have been formed into the villages of Santiago, Magsingal, and Batak. [17] About this time the work in Abra also took on a more favorable aspect; by 1753 three Tinguian villages, with a combined population of more than one thousand, had been established near Bangued, and in the next century five more settlements were added to this list. [18]

In general the relations between the pagan and Christianized natives were not cordial, and oftentimes they were openly hostile; but despite mutual distrust the coast people have on several occasions enlisted the aid of the mountaineers against outside enemies. In 1660 a serious revolt occurred in Pangasinan and Zambales, and the rebels, after gaining control of these provinces, started on a looting expedition in the northern districts. In the face of strong resistance they proceeded as far north as Badok, in Ilocos Sur, burning and pillaging many villages including the capital city of Vigan (Fernandino). The Tinguian came to the aid of the hard-pressed Ilocano, and their combined forces fell upon the enemy just outside the village of Narbacan. The tribesmen had previously made the road almost impassable by planting it thickly with sharpened sticks; and, while the invaders were endeavoring to remove these obstacles, they set upon them with great fury and, it is said, succeeded in killing more than four hundred of the Zambal, a part of whom they beheaded. [19]

As Spanish rule was extended into the Tinguian territory, Ilocano settlers pressed in and acquired holdings of land. This led to many bitter disputes which were consistently settled in favor of the converts; but at the same time many inducements were offered the pagans to get them into the Christianized village. All converts were to be exempted from paying tribute, while their villages received many favors withheld from the pagan settlements. This failing to bring the desired results, all the nearby villages of the Tinguian were incorporated with the civilized pueblos, and thereafter they had to furnish the major part of all taxes and most of the forced labor.

Following the appointment of Gov. Esteban de Pennarubia in 1868, the tribesmen suffered still greater hardships. Under his orders all those who refused baptism were to be expelled from the organized communities, an edict which meant virtual banishment from their old homes and confiscation of their property. Further, no Tinguian in native dress was to be allowed to enter the towns. "Conversions" increased with amazing rapidity, but when it was learned that many of the new converts still practiced their old customs, the governor had the apostates seized and imprisoned. The hostile attitude of Pennarubia encouraged adventurers from the coast in the seizure of lands and the exploitation of the pagans, and thus a deep resentment was added to the dislike the Tinguian already held for "the Christians." Yet, despite the many causes for hostility, steady trade relations have been maintained between the two groups, and the influence of the Ilocano has been increasingly strong. A little more than a half century ago head-hunting was still common even in the valley of Abra, where it is now practically unknown. As a matter of dire necessity the mountain people made raids of reprisal against the hostile Igorot villages on the eastern side of the great mountain range, and it is still the proud boast of many a man in the vicinity of Manabo that he took part in the raid which netted that village a score of heads from the towns of Balatok and Lubuagan. But, as will be seen later, head-hunting was by no means limited to forays against other tribes; local feuds, funeral observances, and the desire for renown, all encouraged the warriors to seek heads even from nearby settlements. Those incentives have not been entirely removed, and an occasional head is still taken in the mountain districts, but the influence of the Ilocano, backed by Spanish and American authority, is rapidly making this sport a thing of the past.

The rule of Governor Pennarubia had so embittered the Tinguian against the "white man" that a considerable number joined the insurrecto troops to fight against the Spaniards and Americans. These warriors, armed with spears, shields, and head-axes, made their way to Malolos, where they joined the Filipino troops the day of the first American bombardment. The booming of cannon and the bursting of shells was too much for the warriors, and, as they express it, "the first gun was the beginning of their going home."

Friendly relations with the insurgents were early destroyed by bands of armed robbers who, posing as Filipino troops, looted a number of Tinguian villages. In several localities the tribesmen retaliated by levying tribute on the Christianized villages, and in some instances took a toll of heads to square accounts. At this juncture the Americans appeared in Abra, and the considerate treatment of the pagans by the soldiers soon won for them a friendly reception. Later, as the result of the efforts of Commissioner Worcester, the Tinguian villages were made independent of Ilocano control, and the people were given the full right to conduct their own affairs, so long as they did not disturb the peace and welfare of the province.

Under American rule the Tinguian have proved themselves to be quiet, peaceable citizens; a few minor disturbances have occurred, but none of sufficient importance to necessitate the presence of troops in their district. They have received less attention from the Government than most of the pagan tribes, but, even so, a measure of progress is discernible. They still stoutly resist the advances of the missionaries, but the few schools which have been opened for their children have always been crowded to overflowing; trade relations are much freer and more friendly than a decade ago; and with the removal of unequal taxes and labor requirements, the feelings of hostility towards "the Christians" are rapidly vanishing. It now seems probable that within one or two generations the Tinguian will again merge with the Ilocano.



CHAPTER II

PHYSICAL TYPE AND RELATIONSHIPS

From the time of the Spanish invasion up to the present, nearly every author who has mentioned the people of northern Luzon has described the Tinguian as being different from other Philippine tribes. The majority of these writers has pictured them as being of larger stature than their neighbors; as lighter in color, possessing aquiline features and mongoloid eyes; as being tranquil and pacific in character, and having a great aptitude for agriculture. From these characteristics they have concluded that they are probably descended from early Chinese traders, emigrants, or castaways, or are derived from the remnants of the pirate band of the Chinese corsair Limahon (Lin-fung), which fled into the mountains of Pangasinan after his defeat by Salcedo in 1574.

These conjectures are strengthened by the reported discovery, in early times, of graves in northwestern Luzon, which contained bodies of men of large stature accompanied by Chinese and Japanese jewels. The undisputed fact that hundreds of ancient Chinese jars and dishes are still among the cherished possessions of the Tinguian is also cited as a further proof of a close relationship between these peoples. Finally it is said that the head-bands, jackets, and wide trousers of the men resemble closely those of the fishermen of Fukien, one of the nearest of the Chinese provinces. [20]

Two writers, [21] basing their observations on color, physical resemblances, and the fact that the Tinguian blacken their teeth and tattoo their bodies, are convinced that they are the descendants of Japanese castaways; while Moya [22] states that the features, dress, and customs of this people indicate their migration from the region of the Red Sea in pre-Mohammedan times.

Finally, Quatrefages and Hamy are quoted as regarding the Tinguian as modern examples of "the Indonesian, an allophylic branch of the pure white race, non-Aryan, therefore, who went forth from India about 500 B.C." [23]

Dr. Barrows [24] classes all the pagan tribes of northern Luzon—the pygmies excepted—with the Igorot, a position assailed by Worcester, [25] particularly in regard to the Tinguian; but the latter writer is convinced that the Apayao and Tinguian are divisions of the same people, who have been separated only a comparatively short time.

In the introduction to the present volume (p. 236) I have expressed the opinion that the Tinguian and Ilocano are identical, and that they form one of the waves of a series which brought the Apayao and western Kalinga to northern Luzon, a wave which reached the Islands at a later period than that represented by the Igorot, and which originated in a somewhat different region of southeastern Asia. [26]

In order to come to a definite decision concerning these various theories, we shall inquire into the cultural, linguistic, and physical types of the people concerned.

The most striking cultural differences between the Igorot and the Tinguian, indicated in the introduction, will be brought out in more detail in the following pages, as will also the evidence of Chinese influence in this region. Here it needs only to be restated, that there are radical differences in social organization, government, house-building, and the like, between the Igorot-Ifugao groups, and the Ilocano-Tinguian-Apayao-Kalinga divisions.

All the tribes of northwestern Luzon belong to the same linguistic stock which, in turn, is closely related to the other Philippine languages. There are local differences sufficiently great to make it impossible for people to communicate when first brought together, but the vocabularies are sufficiently alike, and the morphology of the dialects is so similar that it is the task of only a short time for a person conversant with one idiom to acquire a speaking and understanding knowledge of any other in this region. It is important to note that these dialects belong to the Philippine group, and there seems to be very little evidence of Chinese influence [27] either in structure or vocabulary. [28]

The various descriptions of the physical types have been of such a conflicting nature that it seems best at this point to present rather detailed descriptions of the Tinguian, Ilocano, and Apayao, and to compare these with the principal measurements of the other tribes and peoples under discussion.

For purposes of comparison, the Tinguian have been divided into a valley and mountain group; for, as already indicated, there has been a considerable movement of the mixed Kalinga-Igorot people of the upper Saltan (Malokbot) river, of Guinaan Lubuagan and Balatok, into the mountain districts of Abra, and these immigrants becoming merged into the population have modified the physical type to a certain extent.

In the detailed description of the Ilocano, all the subjects have been drawn from the cities of Bangued in Abra, and Vigan in Ilocos Sur, in order to eliminate, so far as possible, the results of recent intermixture with the Tinguian,—a process which is continually taking place in all the border towns. The more general tabulation includes Ilocano from all the northern provinces.

Aged and immature individuals have been eliminated from all the descriptions here presented. [29]

Ilocano

Observations on 19 Males from Vigan and Bangued

Range Average Height, standing meters 1.510 to 1.714 1.607 Length of head " .164 to .191 .1787 Breadth of head " .146 to .158 .1522 Height of head " .120 to .144 .1316 Breadth of zygomatic arches " .129 to .148 .1373 Length of nose " .043 to .054 .0485 Breadth of nose " .034 to .046 .0382

Cephalic index 85.1 Length-Height index 73.0 Breadth-Height index 86.2 Nasal index 78.7

Eyes—Dark brown, 3-4 of Martin scale.

Hair—Often black, but usually brown-black. 50 per cent straight and about 50 per cent slightly wavy. One case closely curled.

Forehead—Usually high, broad, and moderately retreating, but sometimes vaulted.

Crown and back of head—Middle arched. Two cases flat.

Face—Moderately high; broad and oval. Three cases angular.

Eye-slit—Generally slightly oblique, moderately open, almond shape. Mongolian fold present in 45 per cent.

Nose—Root:—Middle broad and moderately high. Bridge:—Inclined to be concave, but often straight. Wings:—Middle thick and slightly arched or swelled.

Lips:—Middle thick and double bowed (slightly).

Ears:—Outstanding. Lobes generally small and close growing, but are sometimes free.



Ilocano [30]

Observations Made By Folkmar (See Album of Philippine Types, Manila, 1904)

37 Males of Ilocos Norte

Average Height, standing meters 1.593 Length of head " .180 Breadth of head " .151 Length of nose " .055 Breadth of nose " .040

Cephalic index 84.39 Nasal index 73.12



59 Males of Ilocos Sur

Average Height, standing meters 1.596 Length of head " .177 Breadth of head " .150 Length of nose " .053 Breadth of nose " .039

Cephalic index 85.06 Nasal index 72.95

31 Males of Union Province

Average Height, standing meters 1.590 Length of head " .176 Breadth of head " .151 Length of nose " .050 Breadth of nose " .039

Cephalic index 85.72 Nasal index 78.63

193 Males from All Provinces

Average Height, standing meters 1.602 Length of head " .178 Breadth of head " .151 Length of nose " .052 Breadth of nose " .040

Cephalic index 84.81 Nasal index 75.44

Valley Tinguian



Observations on 83 Males (See Plates III, IV)

Range Average Height, standing meters 1.48 to 1.70 1.572 Length of head " 1.65 to .195 .1811 Breadth of head " .140 to .164 .1507 Height of head, 39 cases " .116 to .144 .1337 Breadth of zygomatic arches " .129 to .148 .1387 Length of nose " .042 to .060 .0499 Breadth of nose " .030 to .043 .0384

Cephalic index 83.2 Length-Height index 72.5 Breadth-Height index 86.5 Nasal index 76.9

Eyes—Dark brown, 3-4 of Martin table.

Hair—Varies from black to brownish black. Usually wavy, but straight in about one third.

Forehead—Moderately high and broad; slightly retreating, but sometimes vaulted. Supra-orbital ridges strongly developed in three cases.

Crown and back of head—Middle arched. Two cases of flattening.

Face—Moderately high and broad; cheek bones sufficiently outstanding to give face angular appearance, tapering from above, but oval faces are common.

Eye-slit—Straight or slightly oblique; moderately wide open and inclined to be almond shaped; Mongolian fold slightly developed in about 20 per cent.

Nose—Root:—middle broad and high, seldom small or flat. Bridge:—middle broad and usually straight, but 25 per cent are slightly concave, while two cases are convex. Wings:—In most cases are thin, but are commonly thick; both are slightly arched.

Lips—Middle thick and double bowed (slightly).

Ears—Outstanding, with small close-growing lobes.

Valley Tinguian

Observations on 35 Females (See Plates V, VI)

Range Average Height, standing meters 1.42 to 1.58 1.474 Length of head " .161 to .186 .1743 Breadth of head " .136 to .155 .1460 Height of head (22 cases) " .119 to .138 .1301 Breadth of zygomatic arches " .123 to .139 .1304 Length of nose " .039 to .056 .046 Breadth of nose " .030 to .042 .0354

Cephalic index 83.7 Length-Height index 74.6 Breadth-Height index 88.6 Nasal index 76.9

Eyes—Dark brown, 3-4 of Martin table.

Hair—Usually brown black, but black is common. Sometimes straight, but generally slightly wavy.

Forehead—Considerable variation. Usually moderately high, broad, and vaulted, but is sometimes low and moderately retreating.

Crown and back of head—Middle arched. Two cases of flattening.

Face—Moderately high and oval. In a few cases angular, tapering from above.

Eye-slit—Generally oblique, moderately open and almond shape. Is sometimes straight and narrowly open. Mongolian fold slightly developed in about 25 per cent.

Nose—Root:—Moderately broad and either flat or slightly elevated. Bridge:—Middle broad and slightly concave. In five cases is straight and in two is convex. Wings:—Equally divided between thick and thin. Slightly arched.

Lips—Middle thick and double bowed (slightly).

Ears—Outstanding, with small, close growing lobes.

Mountain Tinguian

Observations on 62 Males (See Plates VII-VIII)

Range Average Height, standing meters 1.45 to 1.71 1.57 Length of head " .171 to .203 .1856 Breadth of head " .140 to .161 .1493 Height of head (59 cases) " .115 to .154 .1316 Breadth of zygomatic arches " .129 to .149 .1385 Length of nose (60 cases) " .043 to .059 .0512 Breadth of nose (60 cases) " .033 to .046 .0399

Cephalic index 80.4 Length-Height index 70.9 Breadth-Height index 87.4 Nasal index 77.9

Eyes—Dark brown, 3-4 of Martin table.

Hair—Brown black, and slightly wavy.

Forehead—Middle high to high, moderately broad, moderately retreating, but sometimes vaulted. Supra-orbital ridges strongly developed in five cases.

Crown and back of head—Middle or strongly arched.

Face—Moderately high. Cheek bones moderately outstanding giving face angular appearance, tapering from above. In seven cases face is oval.

Eye-slit—Sometimes straight, but usually slightly oblique, moderately open, almond shape. Mongolian fold in five cases.

Nose—Root:—Middle broad and moderately high, but sometimes high. Bridge:—Middle broad and straight. Seven cases concave and three convex. Wings:—Middle thick and arched.

Lips—Middle thick, sometimes thin; double bowed.

Ears—Outstanding; lobes generally small and close growing.

Mountain Tinguian

Observations on 16 Females (See Plates IX-X)

Range Average Height, standing meters 1.38 to 1.53 1.482 Length of head " .163 to .188 .1782 Breadth of head " .137 to .155 .1452 Height of head " .119 to .137 .1303 Breadth of zygomatic arches " .125 to .138 .1327 Length of nose " .039 to .054 .0461 Breadth of nose " .034 to .042 .0368

Cephalic index 80.1 Length-Height index 73.1 Breadth-Height index 90.0 Nasal index 79.8

Eyes—Dark brown, 3-4 of Martin table.

Hair—Brown-black and slightly wavy.

Forehead—Moderately high and broad; moderately retreating.

Crown and back of head—Middle arched.

Face—Moderately high and generally oval; sometimes angular tapering from above.

Eye-slit—About equally divided between straight and oblique; moderately open. Mongolian fold slightly developed in one third of cases.

Nose—Root:—Moderately broad and nearly flat, but sometimes moderately high. Bridge:—Middle broad and inclined to be concave. Straight noses occur. Wings:—Usually thin and inclined to be swelled.

Lips—Middle thick and inclined to be double bowed.

Ears—Outstanding. Lobes small and close growing.

Apayao

Observations on 32 Males

Range Average Height, standing meters 1.48 to 1.70 1.587 Length of head " .175 to .199 .1877 Breadth of head " .137 to .158 .1492 Height of head " .119 to .155 .1331 Breadth of zygomatic arches " .130 to .149 .1418 Length of nose " .040 to .054 .0466 Breadth of nose " .035 to .044 .0390

Cephalic index 79.5 Length-Height index 70.9 Breadth-Height index 89.2 Nasal index 83.6

Eyes—Dark brown, 1 to 4 in Martin table.

Hair—Brown black and wavy.

Forehead—High and generally moderately retreating, but in about one third is vaulted. Supra-orbital ridges strongly developed in six cases.

Crown and back of head—Rather strongly arched. Six cases (all from one village) showed slight flattening of occipital region.

Face—Usually high. The cheek bones are moderately outstanding giving face angular appearance, tapering from above. In eight cases face tapers from below, and in nine is oval.

Eye-slit—Usually oblique, moderately open, almond shape. Mongolian fold in about 50 per cent.

Nose—Root:—Middle broad and flat or slightly elevated. Bridge:—Middle broad and slightly or strongly concave. Seven instances of straight noses occur. Wings:—Middle thick, arched or swelled.

Lips—Middle thick and slightly double bowed.

Ears—Outstanding. Lobes small and close growing.

Bontoc Igorot [31]

Observations By Jenks (See The Bontoc Igorot, Manila, 1905)

32 males Average Range Height, standing meters 1.6028 Length of head " .1921 Breadth of head " .1520 Length of nose " .0525 Breadth of nose " .0462

Cephalic index 79.13 67.48 to 91.48 Nasal index 79.19 58.18 to 104.54

In this group 9 are brachycephalic 20 are mesaticephalic 3 are dolichocephalic

Color—Ranges from light brown, with strong saffron undertone, to very dark brown or bronze.

Eyes—Black to hazel brown. "Malayan" fold in large majority.

Hair—Coarse, straight and black. A few individuals possess curly or wavy hair.

Nose—Jenks gives no statement, but his photos show the root of the nose to be rather high; the bridge appears to be broad and straight, although in some individuals it tends toward concave.

29 females Average Range Height, standing meters 1.4580 Length of head " .1859 Breadth of head " .1470 Length of nose " .0458 Breadth of nose " .0360

Cephalic index 79.09 64.89 to 87.64 Nasal index 78.74 58.53 to 97.56

In this group 12 are brachycephalic 12 are mesaticephalic 5 are dolichocephalic

Very different results were obtained by Kroeber [32] from the group of Igorot exhibited in San Francisco in 1906. His figures may possibly be accounted for by the fact that about one third of the party came from Alap near the southern end of the Bontoc area, also, as he has suggested, by the preponderance of very young men. The figures for this group are as follows:

Observations on 18 Males

Average height 1.550 Range 1.46 to 1.630 " length of head .186 .176 to .194 " breadth of head .146 .138 to .153 " bizygomatic width .135 .129 to .142 " length of nose .041 .031 to .046 " breadth of nose .040 .036 to .046 "

cephalic index 78.43 nasal index 99.8

Observations on 7 Females

Average height 1.486 Range 1.440 to 1.530 " length of head .182 .171 to .191 " breadth of head .143 .136 to .150 " bizygomatic width .131 .127 to .136 " length of nose .037 .033 to .042 " width of nose .037 .036 to .038 "

cephalic index 78.59 nasal index 99.7

From these descriptive sheets it is obvious that each tribe is made up of very heterogeneous elements, and each overlaps the other to a considerable extent; however, the number of individuals measured is sufficiently great for us to draw certain general conclusions from the averages of each group.

It is at once evident that the differences between the Ilocano and the Valley Tinguian are very slight, in fact are less than those between the valley and mountain people of the latter tribe. The Ilocano appear to be slightly taller, the length of head a little less, and the breadth a bit more; yet there is an average difference of only two points in the cephalic indices of the two groups. The only other points of divergence are: the greater percentage among the Ilocano of eyes showing the Mongolian fold, and the occurrence of straight hair in about half the individuals measured. However, this latter feature may be more apparent than real; for the Ilocano cut the hair short, and a slight degree of waviness might readily pass unobserved.

As we pass from the Valley to the Mountain Tinguian, and from them to the Apayao, we find the average stature almost constant, but the head becomes longer; there is a greater tendency for the cheekbones to protrude and the face to be angular, and there is a more frequent development of the supra-orbital ridges. The root of the nose is often flat and the bridge concave; while wavy hair becomes the rule in the mountains. There is a slight decrease, in the Tinguian groups, of eyes showing the Mongolian fold, but in the Apayao the percentage again equals that of the Ilocano.

The Apayao present no radical differences to the Mountain Tinguian; yet, as already noted, the length and height of the head are slightly greater; the zygomatic arches more strongly developed; the face more angular; and the nose is broader as compared with its length. Evidences of former extensive intermixture are here apparent, while at the present time there is rather free marriage with the neighboring Kalinga and Negrito.

Comparing these four groups with the Igorot, we find that the latter averages slightly taller than all but the Ilocano. The breadth of the head is about the same as the Ilocano; but the length is much greater, and there is, in consequence, a considerable difference in the cephalic index. Reference to our tables will show the Ilocano and both Tinguian divisions to be brachycephalic, while the Igorot is mesaticephalic. The average index of the Apayao also falls in the latter classification; but the variation from Igorot is greater than is indicated, for the Apayao skull is actually considerably shorter and narrower. In the length and breadth of the nose, the Igorot exceeds any of the groups studied, while the Malayan (Mongolian?) fold of the eye is reported in the great majority of cases. The bodily appearance of the Tinguian and Bontoc Igorot differs little, although the latter are generally of a slightly heavier build. Both are lithe and well proportioned, their full rounded muscles giving them the appearance of trained athletes; neither is as stocky or heavy set as are the Igorot of Amburayan, Lepanto, and Benguet.

There is great variation in color among the members of all these tribes, the tones varying from a light olive brown to a dark reddish brown; but in general the Ilocano and Valley Tinguian are of a lighter hue than the mountain people.

Observations on the Southern Chinese and the South Perak Malay are given below, not with the intention of connecting them with any one of the tribes of Luzon, but in order to test, by comparison, the theory of the Chinese origin of the Tinguian, and also to secure, if possible, some clue as to the relationships of both peoples.

The Southern Chinese

Dr. Girard, [33] as a result of his studies on the Chinese of Kwang-si, a province of southern China, expresses the belief that the population is greatly mixed, but all considered they appear more like Indo-Chinese than like the Chinese proper (that is, Northern Chinese). Deniker [34] comes to a similar conclusion from a study of the results obtained by many observers.

Girard gives the following measurements for 25 males of Kwang-si:

Range Average Height, standing meters 1.528 to 1.748 1.616 Length of head " .1815 Breadth of head " .1435 Height of head " .1270 Length of nose " .04648 Breadth of nose " .03876

Cephalic index 73. to 85. 79.52 Length-Height index 69.9 Breadth-Height index 88.5 Nasal index 67. to 95. 82.98

Deniker (p. 578) gives the average height of 15,582 males, mostly Hakka of Kwang-tung, as 1.622. The cephalic index of 61 living subjects and 84 crania, principally from Canton, he finds to be—Living 81.2; crania 78.2.

Martin [35] presents the following data: Average height of males—1.614; average height of females—1.498. Cephalic index (49 males)—81.8. Length-Height index (49 males)—66.5. Nasal index (49 males)—77.7. [36]

South Perak Malay [37]

Observations by Annandale and Robinson (Fasciculi Malayenses, Pt. I, pp. 105 et seq., London, 1903).

37 males Range Average Height, standing meters 1.488 to 1.763 1.594 Length of head " .173 to .198 .182 Breadth of head " .141 to .162 .149 Height of head (tragus to vertex) " .119 to .146 .135 Breadth of zygomatic arches " .120 to .150 .139 Length of nose " .0413 to .0525 .0477 Breadth of nose " .0337 to .0437 .0358

Cephalic index 82.3 Length-Height index 73.9 Nasal index 81.2

Color—Varies from dark olive to red; less commonly olive or yellowish white.

Eyes—Black, sometimes reddish brown.

Hair—Appears to be straight in most cases, but being cut short a slight waviness might not be noticed. Black.

A comparison of these figures with those of our Luzon groups brings out several interesting points. It shows that the Tinguian are not related to the Chinese, "because of their tall stature;" for they are, as a matter of fact, shorter than either the Chinese or Igorot. It is also evident that they resemble the southern Chinese no more than do the people of Bontoc. Further it is seen that both the Tinguian-Ilocano and the Chinese show greater likeness to the Perak Malay than they do to each other. As a matter of fact, we find no radical differences between any of the peoples discussed; despite evident minor variations, the tribes of northwestern Luzon approach a common type, and this type appears not to be far removed from the dominant element in southern China, Indo-China, and Malaysia generally, a fact which probably can be attributed to a common ancestry in times far past. [38]

With this data before us, we might readily dismiss most of the theories of early writers as interesting speculations based on superficial observation; but the statement that the Tinguian are derived from the pirate band of Limahon has received such wide currency that it deserves further notice. It should be borne in mind that the scene of the Chinese disaster was in Pangasinan, a march of three days to the south of the Tinguian territory. It is unlikely that a force sufficiently large to impress its type on the local population could have made its way into Abra, without having been reported to Salcedo, who then had his headquarters at Vigan.

As early as 1598 the Tinguian were so powerful and aggressive that active steps had to be taken to protect the coast people from their raids. Had they been recognized as being essentially Chinese—a foreign, hostile population—some mention of that fact must certainly have crept into the Spanish records of that period. Such data are entirely wanting, while the exceedingly rich traditions of the Tinguian [39] likewise fail to give any evidence of such an invasion.

The presence of large quantities of ancient Chinese pottery in Abra must be ascribed to trade, for it is inconceivable that a fugitive band of warriors would have carried with them the hundreds of jars—many of large size—which are now found in the interior.

The reputed similarity of the garments of the men to those of Fukien fishermen is likewise without value, for at the time of the Spanish invasion both Ilocano and Tinguian were innocent of trousers. It was not until the order of Gov. Pennarubia, in 1868, barring all unclad pagans from the Christianized towns, that the latter donned such garments. To-day many of the men possess full suits, but the ordinary dress is still the head-band, breech-cloth, and belt.

Finally, it seems curious that the Tinguian should be of "a pacific character" because of the fact that they are descended from a band of Chinese pirates.

Summarizing our material, we can say of the Tinguian, that they are a rather short, well-built people with moderately high, brachycephalic heads, fairly high noses, and angular faces. Their hair is brown black and inclined to be wavy, while the skin varies from a light olive brown to a dark reddish brown. A study of our tables shows that within this group there are great extremes in stature, head and nasal form, color, and the like, indicating very heterogeneous elements in its make-up. We also find that physically the Tinguian conform closely to the Ilocano, while they merge without a sharp break into the Apayao of the eastern mountain slopes. When compared to the Igorot, greater differences are manifest; but even here, the similarities are so many that we cannot classify the two tribes as members of different races.

We have seen that this people approaches the southern Chinese in many respects, but this is likewise true of all the other tribes under discussion and, hence, we are not justified, on anatomic grounds, in considering the Tinguian as distinct, because of Chinese origin. The testimony of historical data and language leads us to the same conclusions. Chinese influence, through trade, has been active for many centuries along the north and west coast of Luzon, but it has not been of a sufficiently intimate nature to introduce such common articles of convenience and necessity as the composite bow, the potter's wheel, wheeled vehicles, and the like.

The anatomical data likewise prevent us from setting this tribe apart from the others, because of Japanese or Indonesian origin.



CHAPTER III

THE CYCLE OF LIFE

Birth.—The natural cause of pregnancy is understood by the Tinguian, but coupled with this knowledge is a belief in its close relationship to the spirit world. Supernatural conception and unnatural births are frequently mentioned in the traditions, and are accepted as true by the mass of people; while the possibility of increasing the fertility of the husband and wife by magical acts, performed in connection with the marriage ceremony, is unquestioned. Likewise, the wife may be affected if she eats peculiar articles of food, [40] and unappeased desires for fruits and the like may result disastrously both for the expectant mother and the child. [41] The close relationship which exists between the father and the unborn babe is clearly brought out by various facts; for instance, the husband of a pregnant woman is never whipped at a funeral, as are the other guests, lest it result in injury to the child.

The fact that these mythical happenings and magical practices do not agree with his actual knowledge in no way disturbs the Tinguian. It is doubtful if he is conscious of a conflict; and should it be brought to his attention, he would explain it by reference to the tales of former times, or to the activities of superior beings. Like man in civilized society, he seldom rationalizes about the well-known facts—religious or otherwise—generally held by his group to be true.

It is thought that, when a mortal woman conceives, an anito woman likewise becomes pregnant, and the two give birth at the same time. Otherwise, the lives of the two children do not seem to be closely related, though, as we shall see later, the mothers follow the same procedure for a time after delivery (cf. p. 268).

According to common belief, supernatural beings have become possessed at times, with menstrual blood or the afterbirth which under their care developed into human offspring, some of whom occupy a prominent place in the tribal mythology. [42] In the tales we are told that a frog became pregnant, and gave birth to a child after having lapped up the spittle of Aponitolau, [43] a maid conceived when the head-band of her lover rested on her skirt, [44] while the customary delivery of children during the mythical period seems to have been from between the fingers of the expectant mother. [45] Anitos and, in a few cases, the shades of the dead have had intercourse with Tinguian women, [46] but children of such unions are always born prematurely. As a rule, a miscarriage is thought to be the result of union with the inhabitants of the spirit realm, though an expectant woman is often warned not to become angry or sorrowful lest her "blood become strong and the child be born." Abortion is said to be practised occasionally by unmarried women; but such instances are exceedingly rare, as offspring is much desired, and the chance of making a satisfactory match would be in no way injured by the possession of an illegitimate child. [47]

Except for the district about Manabo, it is not customary to make any offerings or to cause any changes in the daily life of the pregnant woman until the time of her delivery is near at hand. In Manabo a family gathering is held about a month before the anticipated event, at which time the woman eats a small chicken, while her relatives look on. After completing this meal, she places two bundles of grass, some bark and beads in a small basket and ties it beside the window. The significance of the act is not clear to the people, but it is "an old custom, and is pleasing to the spirits."

Shortly before the child is expected, two or three mediums are summoned to the dwelling. Spreading a mat in the center of the room, they place on it their outfits (cf. p. 302) and gifts [48] for all the spirits who are apt to attend the ceremony. Nine small jars covered with alin leaves are distributed about the house and yard; one sits on a head-axe placed upon an inverted rice-mortar near the dwelling, another stands near by in a winnower, and is covered with a bundle of rice; four go to a corner of the room; while the balance is placed on either side of the doorway. These jars are later used to hold the cooked rice which is offered to the Inginlaod, spirits of the west. At the foot of the house ladder a spear is planted, and to it is attached a long narrow cloth of many colors. Last of all, a bound pig is laid just outside the door with its head toward the east.

When all is ready, the mediums bid the men to play on the tong-a-tong (cf. p. 314); then, squatting beside the pig, they stroke its side with oiled fingers, meanwhile chanting appropriate diams (cf. p. 296). This done, they begin to summon spirits into their bodies, and from them learn what must be done to insure the health and happiness of the child. Later, water is poured into the pig's ear, that "as it shakes out the water, so may the evil spirits be thrown out of the place." [49] Then an old man cuts open the body of the animal and, thrusting in his hand, draws out the still palpitating heart, which he gives to the medium. With this she strokes the body of the expectant woman, "so that the birth may be easy, and as a protection against harm," and also touches the other members of the family. [50] She next directs her attention to the liver, for by its condition it is possible to foretell the child's future (cf. p. 307).

While the medium has been busy with the immediate family, friends and relatives have been preparing the flesh for food, which is now served. No part is reserved, except the boiled entrails which are placed in a wooden dish and set among other gifts intended for the superior beings.

Following the meal, the mediums continue summoning spirits until late afternoon when the ceremony known as Gipas—the dividing—is held. [51] The chief medium, who is now possessed by a powerful spirit, covers her shoulder with a sacred blanket, [52] and in company with the oldest male relative of the expectant woman goes to the middle of the room, where a bound pig lies with a narrow cloth extending along its body from head to tail. After much debating they decide on the exact center of the animal, and then with her left hand each seizes a leg. They lift the victim from the floor, and with the head-axes, which they hold in their free hands, they cut it in two. In this way the mortals pay the spirits for their share in the child, and henceforth they have no claims to it. The spirit and the old man drink basi, to cement their friendship; and the ceremony is at an end.

The small pots and other objects used as offerings are placed on the sacred blanket in one corner of the room, where they remain until the child is born, "so that all the spirits may know that Gipas has been held." A portion of the slaughtered animals and some small present are given to the mediums, who then depart.

In San Juan a cloth is placed on the floor, and on it are laid betel-nuts, four beads, and a lead sinker. These are divided with the head-axe in the same manner as the pig, but the medium retains for her own use the share given to the spirits.

In the better class of dwellings, constructed of boards, there is generally a small section in one corner, where the flooring is of bamboo; and it is here that the delivery takes place, but in the ordinary dwellings there is no specified location.

The patient is in a kneeling or squatting position with her hands on a rope or bamboo rod, which is suspended from a rafter about the height of her shoulders. [53] She draws on this, while one or more old women, skilled in matters pertaining to childbirth, knead and press down on the abdomen, and finally remove the child. The naval cord is cut with a bamboo knife, [54] and is tied with bark cloth. Should the delivery be hard, a pig will be killed beneath the house, and its blood and flesh offered to the spirits, in order to gain their aid.

If the child is apparently still-born, the midwife places a Chinese dish close to its ear, and strikes against it several times with a lead sinker. If this fails to gain a response, the body is wrapped in a cloth, and is soon buried beneath the house. There is no belief here, as is common in many other parts of the Philippines, that the spirits of unborn or still-born children form the chief recruits for the army of evil spirits.

The after-birth is placed in a small jar together with bamboo leaves, "so that the child will grow like that lusty plant," and is then intrusted to an old man, usually a relative. He must exercise the greatest care in his mission, for should he squint, while the jar is in his possession, the child will be likewise afflicted. If it is desired that the infant shall become a great hunter, the jar is hung in the jungle; if he is to be an expert swimmer and a successful fisherman, it is placed in the river; but ill fortune is in store for the baby if the pot is buried, for he will always be afraid to climb a tree or to ascend a mountain.

These close ties between the infant and the after-birth are easily comprehended by a people who also believe in the close relationship between a person and any object recently handled by him (cf. p. 305). In general it is thought that the after-birth soon disappears and no longer influences the child; yet certain of the folk-tales reflect a firm conviction that a group of spirits, known as alan, sometimes take the placenta, and transform it into a real child, who is then more powerful than ordinary mortals. [55]

Immediately following the birth the father constructs a shallow bamboo framework (baitken), [56] which he fills with ashes, and places in the room close to the mother. On this a fire is kept burning constantly for twenty-nine days [57] For this fire he must carefully prepare each stick of wood, for should it have rough places on it, the baby would have lumps on its head. A double explanation is offered for this fire; firstly, "to keep the mother warm;" secondly, as a protection against evil spirits. The idea of protection is evidently the original and dominant one; for, as we shall see, evil spirits are wont to frequent a house, where a birth or death has occurred, and a fire is always kept burning below the house or beside the ladder at such a time. [58]

When the child has been washed, it is placed on an inverted rice-winnower, and an old man or woman gives it the name it is to bear. The winnower is raised a few inches above the ground, and the woman asks the child its name, then drops it. Again she raises it, pronounces the name, and lets it fall. A third time it is raised and dropped, with the injunction, "When your mother sends you, you go," or "You must not be lazy." If it is a boy, it may be instructed, "When your father sends you to plow, you go."

Among the Tinguian of Ilocos Norte it is customary for the person who is giving the name to wave a burning torch beneath the winnower, meanwhile saying, if to a boy, "Here is your light when you go to fight. Here is your light when you go to other towns." If the child is a girl, she says, "Here is your light when you go to sell things."

In the San Juan district, the fire is made of pine sticks; for "the burning pine gives a bright light, and thus makes it clear to the spirits that the child is born. The heat and smoke make the child hard and sturdy." Just before the naming, the rice winnower is circled above the fire and the person officiating calls to the spirits, saying, "Come and take this child, or I shall take it." Then, as the infant still remains alive, she proceeds to give it its name. [59]

A Tinguian child is nearly always named after a dead ancestor; often it receives two names—one for a relative in the father's family, and one in the mother's. A third name commemorating the day or some event, or perhaps the name of a spirit, is frequently added. [60] Certain names, such as Abacas ("worthless"), Inaknam ("taken up"), and Dolso ("rice-chaff") are common. If the infant is ailing, or if the family has been unfortunate in raising children, the newborn is named in the regular way, then is placed on an old rice winnower, and is carried to a refuse heap and left. Evil spirits witnessing this will think that the child is dead, and will pay no more heed to it. After a time, a woman from another house will pick the child up and carry it back to the dwelling, where it is renamed. In such a case it is probable that the new name will recall the event. [61]

If a former child has died, it is possible that the infant will receive its name, but if so, it will be renamed within a few days. In this manner, respect is shown both for the deceased child and the ancestor for which it was named; yet the newborn is not forced to bear a title which is apparently displeasing to the spirits. Continued sickness may also result in the giving of a new name. [62] In such a case a small plot of rice is planted as an offering to the spirits, which have caused the illness.

According to Reyes, the child to be named is carried to a tree, and the medium says, "Your name is ——;" at the same time she strikes the tree with a knife. If the tree "sweats," the name is satisfactory; otherwise, other names are mentioned until a favorable sign is obtained. [63] The writer found no trace of such procedure in any part of the Tinguian belt.

For a month succeeding the birth, the mother must follow a very strict set of rules. Each day she is bathed with water in which certain herbs and leaves, distasteful to evil spirits, are boiled. [64] Beginning with the second day and until the tenth she must add one bath each day, at least one of which is in cold water. From the tenth to the twenty-fourth day she takes one hot and one cold bath, and from then to the end of the month she continues the one hot bath. Until these are completed, the family must keep a strip of ayabong bark burning beneath the house, in order to protect the baby from evil spirits. As an additional defence, a miniature bow and arrow, and a bamboo shield, with a leaf attached, as hung above the infant's head (Fig. 4, No. 1).

On the fifth day the mother makes a ring out of old cloth, rice stalks, and a vine, and puts it on her head; over her shoulders is an old blanket, while in one hand she holds a reed staff, which "helps her in her weakness, and protects her from evil beings." She carries a coconut shell filled with ashes, a basket and a jar, and thus equipped she goes to the village spring. Arriving there, she cleans the dishes "as a sign that her weakness has passed, and that she can now care for herself;" then she sets fire to a piece of bark, and leaves it burning beside the water, as a further sign of her recovery. When she returns to the dwelling, the cleansed dishes and the staff are placed above the spot, where she and the baby sleep.

On the 29th day the fire is extinguished, and the bamboo frame is fastened under the floor of the house, below the mother's mat, "so that all can see that the family has followed the custom." As the frame is carried out, the mother calls to the anito mother (cf. p. 261) to throw out her fire.

In the mountain districts about Lakub, a ceremony in which the spirits are besought to look to the child's welfare is held about the third day after the birth. The mediums summon several spirits; a chicken or a pig is killed, and its blood mixed with rice is offered up. At the conclusion a small saloko [65] containing an egg is attached to one end of the roof. In Ba-ak this is generally a three to six day event attended by all the friends and relatives of the family. Here, in place of the egg, a jar containing pine-sticks is attached to the roof, for the pine which burns brightly makes it plain to the spirits what the people are doing.

In the light of the extended and rather complex procedure just related, it is interesting to note that the Tinguian woman is one of those mythical beings whom careless or uninformed writers have been wont to describe as giving birth to her children without bodily discomfort. Reyes [66] tells us that she cuts the umbilical cord, after which she proceeds to the nearest brook, and washes the clothing soiled during the birth. Lerena likewise credits her with delivering herself without aid, at whatever spot she may then chance to be; then, without further ado or inconvenience, she continues her duties as before. If she happens to be near to a river, she bathes the child; or, if water is not handy, she cleans it with grass or leaves, and then gives it such a name as stone, rooster, or carabao. [67]

Throughout the greater part of the Tinguian territory, nothing further of importance takes place for about two years, providing the child progresses normally, but should it be ailing, a medium will be summoned to conduct the Ibal ceremony. [68] For this a pig or rooster is prepared for sacrifice, but before it is killed, the medium squats before it and, stroking its side with oiled fingers, she chants the following diam.

"Those who live in the same town go to raid, to take heads. After they arrive, those who live in the same town, 'We go and dance with the heads,' said the people, who live in the same town, 'because they make a celebration, those who went to kill.' 'When the sun goes down, you come to join us,' said the mother and baby (to her husband who goes to the celebration). After that the sun truly went down; she went truly to join her husband; after that they were not (there), the mother and the baby (i.e., when the father arrived where they had agreed to meet, the mother and child were not there).

"He saw their hats lying on the ground. He looked down; the mother and the baby were in (the ground), which ground swallowed them. 'Why (are) the mother and the baby in the ground? How can I get them?' When he raises the mother and the baby, they go (back) into the ground. After that Kaboniyan above, looking down (said), 'What can you do? The spirits of Ibal in Daem are the cause of their trouble. It is better that you go to the home of your parents-in-law, and you go and prepare the things needed in Ibal,' said Kaboniyan.

"They went truly and prepared; after that they brought (the things) to the gate. After that the mother and child came out of the ground. 'After this when there is a happening like this, of which you Ipogau are in danger, you do like this (i. e., make the Ibal ceremony); and I alone, Kaboniyan am the one you summon,' said Kaboniyan.

"After that they got well because they came up, the mother and the baby."

When the chant is finished, the animal is slaughtered, and food is prepared both for guests and spirits. Following the instructions of Kaboniyan, the latter is placed at the entrance to the village; after which it is possible that this powerful spirit will visit the gathering in the person of the medium, and give further instructions for the care of the infant.

In the village of Lakub the writer witnessed a variation of this ceremony which, it is said, is also followed in case the pregnancy is not progressing favorably. A piece of banana stalk, wrought into the form of a child, and wearing a bark head-band, was placed on the mat beside the medium. She, acting for a spirit, seized the miniature shield and bow and arrow which hung above the baby, and attempted to shoot the figure. Immediately two old women came to the rescue of the image, and after a sharp tussel compelled the spirit to desist. They then secured the weapons, and in their turn tried to shoot the figure, which was now defended in vain by the medium. It was later explained that, in the first place, the figure represented the child, and had the spirit succeeded in shooting it, the babe would have died; later, it impersonated the child of the spirit, and when that being saw its own offspring in danger, it immediately departed from the village. Several other spirits then entered the body of the medium, and after receiving food and drink, gave friendly advice.

When the child is about two years old, a ceremony known as Olog [69] is held. The mediums who are summoned prepare a spirit mat, [70] and at once begin to recite diams over the body of a bound pig. As soon as the animal is killed, its heart is removed, and is rubbed against the breast of each member of the family. The medium then resumes her place at the mat, and soon is possessed by a spirit who takes charge of the proceedings. At his suggestion, the child is rubbed from head to foot with the thread from the medium's outfit, "so that it will not cry any more;" next, he orders that the intestines of the pig be cleaned, placed on a wooden dish, and be carried to the gate of the town. When they arrive at the designated spot, the mediums make a "stove" by driving three sticks into the ground, so as to outline a triangle, and within these they burn a bundle of rice-straw. Beside the "stove" is placed a branch, each leaf of which is pierced with a chicken feather. This completed, the child is brought up to the fire, and is crowned with the intestines; while one of the mediums strikes the ground vigorously with a split stick, [71] to attract the attention of the spirits. Next, she secures a rooster, and with this in one hand and a spear in the other, she marches five times around the fire meanwhile reciting a diam. At the conclusion of this performance the fowl is killed; and its blood, mixed with rice, is scattered on the ground. At the same time the medium calls to all the spirits to come and eat, to be satisfied, and not cause the child to become ill. The flesh and rice cakes are likewise offered, but after a few moments have elapsed, they are eaten by all the people.

At the conclusion of the meal, a wreath of vines is substituted for the intestines, which are hung beside the fire. This concludes the ceremony; but, as the mother and child reach the ladder of their home, the people above sprinkle them with water, meanwhile calling out eight times, "You are in a heavy storm." The significance of this sprinkling is not known, but the custom is widespread, and is evidently very ancient.

In the mountain village of Likuan, a man who wears a very large hat takes the child to a nearby saloko. As he returns, he is sprinkled by a medium, who says, "You are wet from the rain; in what place did you get wet?" He replies, "Yes, we are wet from the rain; we were wet in Inakban (a town of the spirits);" then placing two small baskets in the saloko, he carries the child into the dwelling. Soon the father appears and goes about inquiring for his wife and child; suddenly spying the baskets, he seizes them and takes them into the house, saying, "Here are the mother and the child."

The following morning, the women place rice cakes and betel-nuts, ready to chew, in leaves, and tie them to a bamboo stalk with many branches. This is then planted beside the spring, "so that the child will grow and be strong like the bamboo." The sight of all these good things is also pleasing to the spirits, and they will thus be inclined to grant to the child many favors.

When the women return to the house, they carry with them a coconut shell filled with water, and with this they wash the infant's face "to keep it from crying, and to keep it well." This done, they tie a knot of banana leaves to the house ladder as a sign that no person may enter the dwelling until after its removal the next day. [72]

A ceremony, not witnessed by the writer, is said to take place when evil spirits have persistently annoyed the mother and the child, when the delivery is long overdue, or when an anito child [73] has been born to a human mother. The husband and his friends arm themselves with long knives or head-axes, and enter the dwelling, where they kill a rooster. The blood is mixed with rice; and this, together with nine coconut shells filled with basi, is placed beneath the house for the anitos to eat. While the spirits are busy with this repast, the mother, wrapped in a blanket, is secretly passed out a window and taken to another house. Then the men begin shouting, and at the same time slash right and left against the house-posts with their weapons. In this way the evil spirits are not only kept from noticing the absence of the mother, but are also driven to a distance. This procedure is repeated under nine houses, after which they return to the dwelling with the woman. As soon as they reach the top of the ladder, an old woman throws down ashes "to blind the eyes of the anitos, so that they cannot see to come up." [74] She likewise breaks a number of small jars, "which look like heads," as a threat of the treatment which awaits them if they attempt to return to the house.

Within the dwelling food and presents are offered to the good spirits, and all who have participated in the anito driving are feasted.

Next morning, a wash, said to be particularly distasteful to the evil anito, is prepared. It consists of water in which are placed lemon, bamboo, and atis leaves, a cigar stub, and ashes from burned rice straw. The family wash in this mixture, and are then fully protected against any evil spirits, which may still remain after the terrifying events of the previous night.

Childhood.—When outside the house, small babies are always carried by their mothers or older sisters (Plate XV). The little one either sits astride its mother's hip or fits against the small of the back, and is held in place by her arm or by a blanket which passes over one shoulder. From this position the infant is readily shifted, so that it can nurse whenever it is hungry. There are no regular periods for feeding, neither is there a definite time for weaning. Most children continue to nurse until quite large, or until they are displaced by newcomers. However, they are given some solid food, such as rice, while very young, and soon they are allowed to suck sugar-cane and sweet potatoes. It is also a common thing to see a mother take the pipe from her mouth, and place it in that of her nursing infant. They thus acquire the habit of using tobacco at a very early age, and continue it through life, but apparently without evil effects. Weaning is accomplished by rubbing the breasts with powdered chile peppers, or plants with sour flavor.

A crib or sleeping basket is made out of bamboo or rattan, and this is attached to the center of a long bamboo pole, which is suspended across one corner of the room (Fig. 1, No. 2). The pole bends with each movement of the child, and thus it rocks itself to sleep. Another device in which small children are kept is known as galong-galong. This consists of a board seat attached to a strip of split rattan at each corner. Sliding up and down on these strips are vertical and horizontal pieces of reed or bamboo, which form an open box-like frame (Fig. 1, No. 1). The reeds are raised, the child is put in, and then they are slipped back in place. This device is suspended from a rafter, at such a height that it can serve either as a swing or walker, as desired.

When the mother goes to the village spring or to the river, she carries her baby with her, and invariably gives it a bath in the cold water. This she applies with her hand or a coconut shell, and frequently she ends the process by dipping the small body into the water. Apparently, the children do not enjoy the ordeal any more than European youngsters; but this early dislike for the water is soon overcome, and they go to the streams to paddle and play, and quickly become excellent swimmers. They learn that certain sluggish fish hide beneath large rocks; and oftentimes a whole troop of naked youngsters may be seen going up stream, carefully feeling under the stones, and occasionally shouting with glee, as a slippery trophy is drawn out with the bare hands. They also gather shell fish and shrimps, and their catch often adds variety to the family meal.

Children are seldom punished or scolded. All the family exhibit real affection for the youngsters, and find time to devote to them. A man is never too old or too busy to take up and amuse or caress the babies. Kissing seems to be unknown, but a similar sign of affection is given by placing the lips to the face and drawing the breath in suddenly. A mother is often heard singing to her babes, but the songs are usually improvised, and generally consist of a single sentence repeated over and over. Aside from the daily bath, the child has little to disturb it during the first five or six years of its life. It has no birthdays, its hair is never cut, unless it be that it is trimmed over the eyes to form bangs, and it wears clothing only on very special occasions. The children are by no means innocent in sexual matters; but absolute familiarity with nudity has removed all curiosity and false modesty, and the relations between the sexes are no freer than in civilized communities.

When garments are put on, they are identical with those worn by the elders. At all ages the people will discard their clothing without any sense of shame, whenever the occasion demands; as, for instance, the fording of a stream, or when a number of both sexes happen to be bathing at the same time in the village pool. This does not lead to immodesty or lewdness, and a person who is careless about the acts, which are not considered proper in Tinguian society, is an object of scorn quite as much as he would be in a more advanced community.

The first toys generally consist of pigs, carabao, or horses made by sticking bamboo legs into a sweet potato or mango. A more elaborate plaything is an imitation snake made of short bamboo strips fastened together with cords at top, center, and bottom. When this is held near the middle by the thumb and forefinger, it winds and curls about as if alive.

Stilts of bamboo, similar to those used in America, are sometimes used by the older children, but the more popular local variety is made by fastening cords through the tops of half coconut shells. The youth holds a cord in each hand, stands on the shells with the lines passing between the first two toes, and then walks.

Flat boards with cords attached become "carabao sleds," and in these immense loads of imaginary rice are hauled to the granaries. A similar device serves as a harrow, while a stick is converted into a "plough" or "horse," as is desired. Imitation carabao yokes are much prized, and the children pass many hours serving as draught animals or drivers. The bull-roarer, made by putting a thin piece of bamboo on a cord and whirling it about the head, makes a pleasing noise, and is excellent to use in frightening stray horses. Blow-guns, made out of bamboo or the hollow tubes of plants, vie in popularity with a pop-gun of similar construction. A wad of leaves is driven through with a plunger, and gives a sharp report, as it is expelled.

Tops are among the prized possessions of the boys. They are spun, or are wound with cord, and are thrown overhand at those of other players, with the intention of splitting or marking them.

Quite as popular, with the small girls, are tiny pestles with which they industriously pound rice chaff, in imitation of their mothers.

While still mere babies, the boys begin to play with toy knives made of wood, but by the time they are seven or eight years of age, they are permitted to carry long bolos, and before puberty they are expert with the weapons used by the tribe (Plate XI). In the mountain regions in particular, it is a common occurrence for groups of youngsters, armed with reed spears and palm-bark shields, to carry on mock battles. They also learn to make traps and nets, and oftentimes they return to the village with a good catch of small birds.

Full grown dogs are seldom friendly or considered as pets; but puppies, small chickens, parrakeets, pigs, and baby carabao make excellent playfellows, and suffer accordingly. From the day of its birth, the young carabao is taken possession of by the children, who will fondle and tease it, ride on its back, or slide off over its head or tail. Soon they gain confidence, and find similar amusements with the full grown animals. These huge beasts are often surly or vicious, especially around white men, but they recognize their masters in the little brown folk, and submit meekly to their antics. In fact, the greater part of the care of these animals is entrusted to young boys.

When not engaged in some of the amusements already mentioned, it is probable that the youngster is one of the group of naked little savages, which races through the village on the way to the swimming hole, or climbs tall trees from the top of which sleeping pigs can be easily bombarded. Should the children be so fortunate as to possess a tin can, secured from some visiting traveller, they quickly convert it into a drum or gansa, and forthwith start a celebration. All can dance and sing, play on nose flutes, bamboo guitars, or Jew's harps.

In addition to songs of their own composition, there are other songs, which are heard whenever the children are at play. They make a swing by tying ropes to a carabao yoke, and attach it to a limb; then, as they swing, they sing:

"Pull swing. My swing is a snake. Do not writhe like a snake. My swing is a big snake. Do not turn and twist. My swing is a lizard. Do not tremble or shake."

When a group gathers under a house to pop corn in the burning rice chaff, they chant:

"Pop, pop, become like the privates of a woman. Make a noise, make a noise, like the clay jar. Pop, pop, like the coconut shell dish. Sagai, sagai, [75] make a noise like the big jar."

When the smoke blows toward a part of the children, the others sing over and over:

"Deep water here; high land there."

A favorite game is played by a number of children. Part stand on the edge of a bank, part below. Those above sing, "Jump down, where the big stone is, the big stone which swallows people. Big stone, which swallows people, where are you?" To this the children below reply, "I am here. I am the big rock which swallows men. Come down here." As those on the bank jump down, they are piled upon, and a free-for-all tussel ensues. In the midst of this, one of the players suddenly sings out, "I am a deer in—, I am very fat." With this he starts off on a run, and the rest of the party, now suddenly transformed into dogs, take up the chase, yelping and barking. When the deer becomes tired, he makes for the water, where he is considered safe; but if he is caught, he is rolled and bitten by the dogs.

Another game played by both boys and girls is known as maysansani, and is much like hide-and-go-seek. One boy holds out an open hand, and the others lay their fingers in his palm, while the leader counts, maysansani, duan-nani, mataltali, [76] ocop. As ocop ("four" or "ready") is pronounced, the boy quickly closes his hand in order to catch a finger. If he succeeds, the prisoner puts his hands over his eyes, and the leader holds him, while the others run and hide. When all are ready, he is released, and then must find all the players; or he is beaten on the forearm with the first and second fingers of all the participants, or they may pick him up by his head and feet, and whirl him about.

1  2  3  4  5  6  7     Next Part
Home - Random Browse