[Transcriber's Note: The spelling inconsistencies of the original have been retained in this etext.]
A GENERAL HISTORY AND COLLECTION OF VOYAGES AND TRAVELS, ARRANGED IN SYSTEMATIC ORDER:
FORMING A COMPLETE HISTORY OF THE ORIGIN AND PROGRESS OF NAVIGATION, DISCOVERY, AND COMMERCE, BY SEA AND LAND, FROM THE EARLIEST AGES TO THE PRESENT TIME.
* * * * *
BY ROBERT KERR, F.R.S. & F.A.S. EDIN.
* * * * *
ILLUSTRATED BY MAPS AND CHARTS.
* * * * *
PART II. BOOK II. CONTINUED.
CHAP. VII. Continued. Continuation of the early history of Peru, after the death of Francisco Pizarro to the defeat of Gonzalo Pizarro, and the reestablishment of tranquillity in the country; written by Augustino Zarate,
SECT. III. Continuation of the Viceroyalty of Blasco Nunnez Vela, to his deposition and expulsion from Peru,
SECT. IV. History of the usurpation of Gonzalo Pizarro, from the expulsion of the Viceroy to his defeat and death,
V. Continuation of the Usurpation of Gonzalo Pizarro, to the arrival of Gasca in Peru with full powers to restore the Colony to order,
VI. History of the Expedition of Pedro de la Gasca, the death of Gonzalo Pizarro, and the Restoration of Peru to Tranquillity,
VII. Insurrection of Ferdinand and Pedro de Contreras in Nicaragua, and their unsuccessful attempt upon the Royal Treasure in the Tierra Firma,
CHAP. VIII. Continuation of the early history of Peru, from the restoration of tranquillity by Gasca in 1549, to the death of the Inca Tupac Amaru; extracted from Garcilasso de la Vega,
SECT. I. Incidents in the History of Peru, from the departure of Gasca, to the appointment of Don Antonio de Mendoza as Viceroy,
II. History of Peru during the Viceroyalty of Don Antonio de Mendoza,
III. Narrative of the Troubles in Peru, consequent upon the Death of the Viceroy Mendoza,
IV. Continuation of the Troubles in Peru, to the Viceroyalty of the Marquis de Cannete,
V. History of Peru during the Viceroyalty of the Marquis del Cannete,
VI. Incidents in the History of Peru, during the successive Governments of the Conde de Nieva, Lope Garcia de Castro, and Don Francisco de Toledo,
CHAP IX. History of the Discovery and Conquest of Chili,
SECT. I. Geographical View of the Kingdom of Chili,
II. Of the Origin, Manners, and Language of the Chilese,
III. State of Chili, and Conquests made in that Country by the Peruvians, before the arrival of the Spaniards,
IV. First Expedition of the Spaniards into Chili under Almagro,
V. Second Expedition into Chili, under Pedro de Valdivia, to the commencement of the War between the Spaniards and Araucanians,
VI. Narrative of the War between the Spaniards and Araucanians, from the year 1550, to the Defeat and Death of Pedro de Valdivia on the 3d of December 1553,
SECT. VII. Continuation of the War between the Spaniards and Araucanians, from the death of Valdivia, to that of Caupolican,
VIII. Continuation of the Araucanian War, after the Death of Caupolican, to the Reduction of the Archipelago of Chiloe by the Spaniards,
IX. Continuation of the Araucanian War to the Destruction of all the Spanish Settlements in the territories of that Nation,
X. Farther Narrative of the War, to the Conclusion of Peace with the Araucanians,
XI. Renewal of the War with the Araucanians, and succinct Narrative of the History of Chili, from 1655 to 1787,
XII. State of Chili towards the end of the Eighteenth Century,
XIII. Account of the Archipelago of Chiloe,
XIV. Account of the native tribes inhabiting the southern extremity of South America,
CHAP. X. Discovery of Florida, and Account of several ineffectual Attempts to Conquer and Settle that Country by the Spaniards,
SECT. I. Discovery of Florida, by Juan Ponce de Leon,
II. Narrative of a Disastrous attempt by Panfilo de Narvaez to conquer Florida; together with some account of that Country,
III. Adventures and wonderful escape of Cabeza de Vaca, after the loss of Narvaez,
Sect. IV. Narrative of a new attempt to Conquer Florida, by Ferdinand de Soto,
V. Continuation of the Transactions of Ferdinand de Soto in Florida,
VI. Conclusion of the Expedition to Florida by Ferdinand de Soto,
A GENERAL HISTORY AND COLLECTION OF VOYAGES AND TRAVELS.
* * * * *
PART II. BOOK II. CONTINUED.
* * * * *
CHAPTER VII Continued.
CONTINUATION OF THE EARLY HISTORY OF PERU, AFTER THE DEATH OF FRANCISCO PIZARRO, TO THE DEFEAT OF GONZALO PIZARRO, AND THE RE-ESTABLISHMENT OF TRANQUILITY IN THE COUNTRY; WRITTEN BY AUGUSTINO ZARATE.
Continuation of the Viceroyalty of Blasco Nunnez Vela, to his deposition and expulsion front Peru.
The viceroy received immediate intelligence of the revolt of Puelles, as mentioned in the foregoing section, which; was brought to him by a Peruvian captain named Yllatopa; and, though he considered it as a very unfortunate incident, he took immediate measures to counteract their intentions of joining the enemy, by sending a detachment to occupy the passes of the valley of Jauja, through which they must necessarily march on their way from Guanuco to join Gonzalo. For this purpose, he immediately ordered his brother Vela Nunnez to march in all haste with a detachment of forty light armed cavalry, and thirty musqueteers under the command of Gonzalo Diaz, besides whom ten of the friends and relations of Nunnez went as volunteers on this expedition. On purpose to expedite the march of this detachment as much as possible, the viceroy caused thirty-six mules to be purchased, which cost 12,000 ducats, the money being taken from the royal treasury. Being thus excellently equipped, they set out from Lima, and marched to Guadachili, about twenty leagues from Lima on their way to the valley of Jauja. At this place a plot was formed by the soldiers for killing Vela Nunnez and deserting to the army of Gonzalo, which was revealed by the following incident. Certain scouts who preceded the detachment about four leagues beyond Guadachili in the district of Pariacaca, met the friar Thomas de San Martino, provincial of the Dominicans, who had been sent by the viceroy to Cuzco to try if it were possible to come to some agreement with Gonzalo; on this occasion one of the soldiers secretly informed the provincial of the particulars of the conspiracy, begging him to take immediate means of prevention, as it was to be executed on the following night. The provincial accordingly hastened his journey to Guadachili, taking all the scouts he could meet with along with him, as he told them their present expedition was entirely useless, as Puelles and his troops had passed through Jauja two days before, and it was now impossible to intercept them. On his arrival in Guadachili, the provincial immediately informed Vela Nunnez of the danger to which he was exposed, who accordingly consulted with some of his friends and relations on the means of escape. In the evening, they ordered out their horses, as if for the purpose of sending them to water, and mounting them immediately, they saved themselves by flight under the cloud of night, being guided on their way by the provincial.
[Footnote 1: The place mentioned in the text is probably what is now named Guarochiri, which is in the direction of the march, and nearly at the distance indicated.—E.]
When the flight of Vela Nunnez and his friends was known, Juan de la Torre, Pedro Hita, Jorge Griego, and the other soldiers who had formed the conspiracy, went immediately to the main guard, where they compelled all the other soldiers, under threats of instant death, to promise going off along with them to join Gonzalo. Almost the whole of the detachment promised compliance, and even the captain Gonzalo Diaz was of the number; but he was apparently more harshly treated by the conspirators than the others. They tied his hands as if fearing he might use measures against them; yet he was not only believed to have been a participator in the plot, but was even supposed to be its secret leader. Most of the inhabitants of Lima expected Diaz to act in the way he did, as he was son-in-law to Puelles against whom he was sent, and it was not to be supposed he would give his aid to arrest his father-in-law. The whole party therefore, immediately set out in search of Gonzalo, mounted on the mules which had cost so high a price, and joined him near the city of Guamanga, where Puelles had arrived, two days before them. At that time of their junction, the adherents of Gonzalo were so much discouraged by the lukewarmness of Gaspard Rodriguez and his friends, that in all probability the whole army under Gonzalo would have dispersed if they had been three days later in arriving. But the arrival of Puelles gave the insurgents great encouragement, both by the reinforcement which he brought of forty horse and twenty musketeers, and by his exhortations; as he declared himself ready to proceed against the viceroy even with his own troops, and had no doubt of being able to take him prisoner or to drive him out of the country, he was so universally hated. The encouragements derived by the insurgents from the junction of Puelles, was still farther strengthened by the arrival of Diaz and his companions.
Vela Nunnez got safe to Lima, where he informed the viceroy of the unfortunate result of his expedition, who was very much cast down on the occasion, as his affairs seemed to assume a very unpromising aspect. Next day Rodrigo Ninno, and three or four others who refused to follow the example of Diaz, arrived at Lima in a wretched condition, having suffered a thousand insults from the conspirators, who deprived them of their horses and arms, and even stripped them of their clothes. Ninno was dressed in an old doublet and breeches, without stockings, having only a pair of miserable pack-thread sandals, and had walked all the way with a stick in his hand. The viceroy received him very graciously, praising his loyalty, and told him that he appeared more nobly in his rags than if clothed in the most costly attire.
When Balthasar de Loyasa had procured the safe conduct from the viceroy for his employers, he set out without loss of time for the army of Gonzalo Pizarro. As his departure and the nature of his dispatches were soon known in Lima, it was universally believed there that the troops under Pizarro would soon disperse of their own accord, leaving the viceroy in peaceable and absolute command of the whole colony, upon which he would assuredly put the ordinances in force with the utmost rigour to the utter ruin of every one: For this reason, several of the inhabitants, and some even of the soldiers belonging to the viceroy, came to the resolution of following Loyasa and taking his dispatches from him. Loyasa left Lima in the evening of a Saturday, in the month of September 1545, accompanied by Captain Ferdinand de Zavallos. They were mounted on mules, without any attendants, and had no baggage to delay their journey. Next night, twenty-five persons set out from Lima on horseback in pursuit of them, determined to use every possible expedition to get up with Loyasa that they might take away his dispatches. The chiefs in this enterprize were, Don Balthasar de Castro, son of the Conde de la Gomera, Lorenzo Mexia, Rodrigo de Salazar, Diego de Carvajal usually called the gallant, Francisco de Escovedo, Jerom de Carvajal, and Pedro Martin de Cecilia, with eighteen others in their company. Using every effort to expedite their journey, they got up with Loyasa and Zavallos about forty leagues from Lima, and found them asleep in a tambo of palace of the Incas. Taking from them the letters and dispatches with which they were entrusted, they forwarded these immediately to Gonzalo Pizarro by means of a soldier, who used the utmost diligence in travelling through bye ways and short cuts through the mountains, with all of which he was well acquainted. After this, de Castro and the rest of the malecontents continued their journey towards the camp of Gonzalo, taking Loyasa and Zavallos along with them under strict custody.
Upon receiving the intercepted dispatches which were brought to him by the soldier, Gonzalo Pizarro secretly communicated them to Captain Carvajal, whom he had recently appointed his lieutenant-general, or maestre de campo, in consequence of the sickness of Alfonzo de Toro, who held that commission on commencing the march from Cuzco. After consulting with Carvajal, he communicated the whole matter to the captains and those other chiefs of the insurgent-army who had shewn no intentions of abandoning him, as they had not participated in applying for the safe conduct from the viceroy. Some of these, from motives of enmity against individuals, others from envy, and others again from the hope of profiting by the forfeiture of the lands and Indians belonging to the accused, advised Gonzalo to punish these persons with rigor, as a warning to others not to venture upon similar conduct. In this secret consultation, it was determined to select the following from among those who were clearly implicated in taking part with the viceroy, by their names being contained in the safe conduct taken from Loyasa: Captain Gaspard Rodriguez; Philip Gutierrez, the son of Alfonso Gutierrez of Madrid who was treasurer to his majesty; and Arias Maldonado, a gentleman of Galicia, who had remained along with Gutierrez at Guamanga, two or three days march in the rear of the army, under pretence of having some preparations to make for the journey. Accordingly, Gonzalo sent off Pedro de Puelles to Guamanga accompanied by an escort of cavalry, who arrested these two latter gentlemen and caused them to be beheaded.
Gaspar Rodriguez was in the camp, where he commanded a body of near two hundred pikemen; and as Gonzalo and his advisers dared not to put him to death openly, as he was a very rich man of considerable influence and much beloved, they had to employ a stratagem for his arrestment. Gonzalo ordered a hundred and fifty musqueteers of the company commanded by Ceremeno to hold themselves in readiness around his tent, near which likewise he caused his train of artillery to be drawn up ready for service, and then convened all the captains belonging to his troops in his tent, under pretence of communicating some dispatches which he had received from Lima. When the whole were assembled, and Rodriguez among them, he became alarmed on seeing that the tent was surrounded by armed men and artillery, and wished to have retired under pretext of urgent business. At this time, and in presence of the whole assembled officers, the lieutenant-general Carvajal, came up to Rodriguez as if without any premeditated intention, caught hold of the guard of his sword, and drew it from the scabbard. Carvajal then desired him to make confession of his sins to a priest, who was in attendance for that express purpose, as he was to be immediately put to death. Rodriguez used every effort to avoid this sudden and unlooked for catastrophe, and offered to justify himself from every accusation which could be brought against him; but every thing he could allege was of no avail, as his death was resolved upon, and he was accordingly beheaded.
The execution of these three leaders astonished every one, being the first which were ventured upon since the usurpation of Gonzalo; but they more especially terrified those other persons who were conscious of having participated in the same plot for which their chiefs were now put to death. A few days afterwards, De Castro and his companions arrived at the camp of the insurgents, with their prisoners Loyasa and Zavallos. It has been reported that, on the very day of their arrival, Gonzalo sent off his lieutenant-general Carvajal to meet them on the road by which they were expected, with orders to have Loyasa and Zavallos strangled: But, fortunately for them, their conductors had left the ordinary road, taking a circuitous and unfrequented path, so that Carvajal did not fall in with them; and, when they were brought before Gonzalo, so many of his friends and accomplices interceded for their pardon, that he agreed to spare their lives. Loyasa was commanded immediately to quit the camp, on foot and without any provisions. Zavallos was detained in the camp as a prisoner; and, rather more than a year afterwards, was appointed superintendent of those who were employed in digging for gold in the province of Quito. While in that employment, it was represented to Gonzalo that Zavallos had become so exceedingly rich, that he must have purloined a great proportion of the gold which was drawn from the mines. Being predisposed against him by his former conduct in the service of the viceroy, Gonzalo was easily persuaded to believe him guilty, and ordered him to be hanged.
The departure of De Castro and his companions from Lima, as already mentioned, though conducted in great secrecy, was soon discovered. On the same night, as Diego de Urbina, the major general of the army belonging to the viceroy, was going the rounds of the city, he happened to visit the dwellings of several of those who had accompanied De Castro; and finding that they were absent, and that their horses, arms, servants, and Indians were all removed, he immediately suspected that they were gone off to join Gonzalo. Urbina went directly to the viceroy, who was already in bed, and assured him that most of the inhabitants had fled from the city, as he believed that the defection was more general than it turned out to be. The viceroy was very justly alarmed by this intelligence, and ordered the drums to beat to arms. When, in consequence of this measure, all the captains and other officers in his service were assembled, he gave them orders to visit the whole houses of the city, by which means it was soon known who had deserted. As Diego and Jerom de Carvajal, and Francisco Escovedo, nephews of the commissary Yllan Suarez de Carvajal were among the absentees, the viceroy immediately suspected Yllan Suarez of being a partisan of Gonzalo Pizarro, believing that his nephews had acted by his orders, more especially as they dwelt in his house, and could not therefore have gone away without his knowledge; though assuredly they might easily have escaped by a different door at a distance from the principal entrance. Actuated by these suspicions, the viceroy sent his brother, Vela Nunnez, with a detachment of musqueteers, to bring Suarez immediately to the palace for examination. On arriving at his house, Suarez was in bed, but was brought immediately before the viceroy, who was now dressed is his armour, and reposing on a couch. It is reported by some who were present, that the viceroy addressed Suarez on entering the following words. "Traitor! you have sent off your nephews to join Gonzalo Pizarro." "Call me not traitor, my lord," replied Suarez, "I am as faithful a subject to his majesty as you are." The viceroy was so much irritated by the insolent behaviour of Suarez, that he drew his sword and advanced towards him, and some even allege that he stabbed him in the breast. The viceroy, however, constantly asserted that he did not use his sword against Suarez; but that the servants and halberdiers who were in attendance, on noticing the insolent behaviour of the commissary to their master, had put him to death, without allowing him time for confession, or even for speaking a single word in his own defence. The body was immediately carried away for interment; and as the commissary was very universally beloved, it was thought dangerous to take his dead body through the great court of the viceregal palace, where there were always a hundred soldiers on guard during the night, lest it might occasion some disturbance. For this reason, it was let down from a gallery which overlooked the great square, whence some Indians and negroes carried it to a neighbouring church, and buried it without any ceremony in his ordinary scarlet cloak.
Three days after this tragical event, when the judges of the royal audience made the viceroy a prisoner, as shall be presently related, among their first transactions, they made a judicial examination respecting the circumstances attendant upon the death of Suarez. It was ascertained in the first place, that he had disappeared since the time when he was carried before the viceroy at midnight; after which, the body was dug up, and the wounds examined. When the intelligence of the death of Suarez spread through Lima, it gave occasion to much dissatisfaction, as every one knew that he had been always, favourable to the interest and authority of the viceroy, and had even exerted his whole influence in procuring him to be received at Lima, in opposition to the sentiments of the majority of the magistrates of that city. His death happened on the night of Sunday the 13th of September 1544. Early next morning, Don Alfonzo de Montemayor was sent by the viceroy with a party of thirty horse, in pursuit of De Castro and the others who had gone after Loyasa and Zavallos. When Montemayor had travelled two or three days in the pursuit, he learnt that De Castro and his companions were already so far advanced in their journey that it would be utterly impossible to get up with them. He accordingly turned back, and receiving information on his return towards Lima, that Jerom de Carvajal had lost his companions during the night, and, being unable to discover the road by which they were gone, had concealed himself in a marsh among some tall reeds, where Montemayor found him out, and carried him prisoner to Lima, on purpose to give him up to the viceroy. Fortunately for Carvajal, the viceroy was himself a prisoner when Montemayor returned to Lima.
[Footnote 2: This judicial examination, so formally announced, is left quite inconclusive by Zarate.—E.]
When the anger of the viceroy had somewhat subsided, he used great pains to justify himself, in regard to the death of Suarez, explaining the reasons of his conduct in that affair to all who visited him, and endeavouring to convince them that he had just reasons of suspicion, giving a detailed account of all the circumstances respecting the arrest and death of Suarez. He even procured some judicial informations to be drawn up by the licentiate Cepeda, respecting the crimes which he laid to the charge of the commissary, of which the following is an abstract.
"It appeared reasonable to suppose that Suarez must have been privy to the desertion of his nephews, as they lived in his house and could not have gone off without his knowledge. He alleged that Suaraz had not exerted all the care and diligence that were necessary and proper, in several affairs connected with the present troubles which had been confided to him. It was objected to him, that he was particularly interested in opposing the execution of the obnoxious regulations; since he would have been obliged, along with the rest, to give up the lands and Indians he then held as an officer of the crown, which he had not done hitherto on account of the subsisting disturbances in the country. Lastly, the viceroy charged against him, that having entrusted Suarez at the very beginning of the troubles with certain dispatches for his brother, the licentiate Carvajal, who then dwelt at Cuzco, intended for procuring intelligence by his means of what was going on in that city, he had never given or procured any answer on that subject; although it must certainly have been easy for him to have procured intelligence from his brother, by means of the Indian vassals of both, and by those belonging to the king who were at his disposal officially, all of whom dwelt on the road between Lima and Cuzco." Besides that all these allegations carry very little weight in themselves, as evidences of the presumptive guilt of Suarez, none of them were ever satisfactorily established by legal proof.
As the viceroy found that all his affairs had turned out unfortunate, and that every person seemed much discontented in consequence of the death of Suarez, he changed his intention of waiting for Gonzalo Pizarro at Lima, which he had caused fortify in that view with ramparts and bastions. He now resolved to retire to the city of Truxillo, about eighty leagues from Lima, and entirely to abandon and even to dispeople the city of Lima; in the execution of this project he meant to send the invalids, old persons, women, children, and all the valuable effects and baggage belonging to the inhabitants by sea to Truxillo, for which purpose he had sufficient shipping, and to march all who were able to carry arms by land, taking along with him all the European inhabitants of every settlement in the plain between Lima and Truxillo; and sending off all the Indian population of the plain to the mountainous region. By these decisive measures, he hoped to reduce the adherents of Gonzalo Pizarro to such straits, by depriving them of every possible succour and refreshment, after the fatigues of a long and painful march, encumbered with baggage and artillery, as might constrain them to disband their army, when they might find the whole way between Lima and Truxillo reduced to a desert entirely devoid of provisions. The viceroy considered himself under the necessity of employing these strong measures, as some of his people deserted from him almost daily to the enemy, in proportion as the insurgents approached towards Lima.
In pursuance of this resolution, on Tuesday the 15th of September, two days after the slaughter of the commissary Suarez, the viceroy gave orders to Diego Alvarez de Cueto, with a party of horse, to convey the children of the late Marquis Pizarro on board ship, and to remain in charge of them and the licentiate Vaca de Castro. On this occasion, he gave the command of the fleet to Cueto, being afraid lest Don Antonio de Ribera and his wife, who then had the charge of young Don Gonzalo and his brothers, children of the late marquis, might conceal them and give them up to their uncle. This measure occasioned much emotion among the inhabitants of Lima, and gave great offence to the oydors or judges of the royal audience, particularly to the licentiate Ortiz de Zarate, who made strong remonstrances to the viceroy against sending Donna Francisco Pizarro among the sailors and soldiers, where she could not reside in decent comfort. This young lady, who was both beautiful and rich, was now almost grown a woman, and the conduct of the viceroy towards her on this occasion was considered as harsh, tyrannical, and unnecessary. Ortiz was unable to prevail on the viceroy to recall his orders respecting the children of the late marquis; and he even openly declared that he had come to the resolution of abandoning Lima in the way already mentioned. All the oydors considered these intended steps as highly improper and ruinous to the colony; and declared, that as they had been ordered by his majesty to take up their residence in Lima, they were determined not to quit that place without a new royal order for the express purpose. As the viceroy found that every thing he could say was quite ineffectual to bring over the oydors to his sentiments, he resolved to gain possession of the royal seal, and to carry it off with himself to Truxillo, by which measure the oydors would be reduced to the state of private persons in Lima, and unable to hold any sitting of the royal audience, unless they chose to accompany him to Truxillo. When this resolution of the viceroy was communicated to the oydors, they called the chancellor before them, from whom they took the seal, which they committed to the custody of the licentiate Cepeda, the senior oydor. This was done by three of the oydors, Cepeda, Texada, and Alvarez, Ortiz being absent at the time.
On the same evening, all the four oydors assembled in the house of Cepeda, and agreed to present a formal requisition to the viceroy to bring back the family of the late marquis from the fleet in which he had embarked them. After this resolution had been engrossed in the register, the licentiate Ortiz retired to his own house, being indisposed. The other three oydors continued in consultation on the measures which were proper to be adopted, for defending themselves against the power of the viceroy, in case he should persist in his plans, and endeavour to make them embark by force, which they publickly asserted was his intention. On this occasion, they drew up an ordinance or public act, by which, in the name and authority of the king "they commanded all the inhabitants of the city of Lima, captains, soldiers, and others, civil and military, in case the viceroy should give orders to remove them, the oydors of the royal audience, by force and violence from Lima, that they should aid, assist, and defend them, in opposition to such a measure, as illegal and unjust, and contrary to the orders of his majesty, clearly expressed in the new regulations, and in the commission granted to them as oydors of the royal audience."
Having formally extended and authenticated this act, they communicated it in secret to Captain Martin de Robles, whom they desired to hold himself and his soldiers in readiness to defend them in case of need. De Robles engaged to stand by them; for though one of the captains in the troops, he was not on good terms with the viceroy. Several other persons of importance in the city, to whom the oydors communicated the resolutions which they had formed, promised likewise to stand by them against the tyranny of the viceroy. That same evening, all who were in concert with the oydors held themselves in readiness, anxiously waiting the event of an open breach between the viceroy and the judges of the royal audience. However secret the steps taken by the oydors might have been, they became known to the viceroy, or at least he entertained violent suspicions of their nature and tendency. At night-fall, Martin de Robles went privately to the house of the oydor Cepeda, to whom he communicated his opinion that the viceroy was already informed of all their proceedings, and that, unless prompt measures were taken for their security, they would all be put to death. Cepeda sent immediately for Alvarez and Texada, two others of the oydors; and these three came immediately to the determination of openly defending themselves against the viceroy, if he should attempt their arrest. For this purpose, several of their friends, and some of the soldiers of the company, commanded by De Robles, assembled in arms at their residence. While this was going on, Urbina the maestre de campo or major-general, when going his rounds met several of these soldiers in the street, and immediately suspected the truth. He went, therefore, straight to the viceroy, to whom he communicated the suspicious circumstances he had observed, that some prompt measures might be concerted for counteracting the machinations of the oydors. The viceroy desired him to fear nothing, as they had only civilians to deal with, who had not sufficient courage to concert any enterprize against his authority. Urbina went away accordingly to continue his round; but as he still continued to meet several armed horsemen in the streets, all of whom were going towards the house of Cepeda, he returned again to the palace, and remonstrated with the viceroy on the absolute necessity of taking instant measures of defence. The viceroy immediately put on his armour and ordered to sound an alarm, after which he went out into the great square before the palace, accompanied by his nightly guard of a hundred soldiers and all his domestic establishment, meaning to have proceeded to the house of Cepeda, to arrest the oydors, to chastise the mutineers, and to re-establish order in the city. While in the great square near the gate of the palace, he noticed that it was impossible to prevent the soldiers from going to join the oydors, as the horsemen who filled all the streets constrained them to take that direction. If, however, the viceroy had persisted in his first design, he could hardly have found much difficulty or considerable resistance, as he then had a greatly superior force to what had assembled with Cepeda and the other judges. He was disuaded from executing these intentions by Alfonzo Palomino, alcalde or police-judge of Lima, who asserted that a great majority of the troops were assembled at the house of Cepeda, and were about to attack him; for which reason, the best measure was to fortify himself in the palace, which could easily be defended; whereas he had not a sufficient force to assail the oydors and their adherents. Influenced by this advice, the viceroy retired into the palace, accompanied by his brother Vela Nunnez, Paul de Meneses, Jerom de la Cerna, Alfonso de Caceres, Diego de Urbina, and others of his friends and followers, with all his relations and servants. The hundred soldiers of the nightly guard were posted at the great gate of the palace, with orders to prevent any one from going in.
While these vacillatory measures were going on at the viceregal palace, information was brought to the oydors, that the viceroy had drawn out his troops in the great square, with the intention of attacking them. Having as yet collected only a small force for their protection, they resolved to go out into the street; believing, if the viceroy should come to blockade them, and should occupy the streets leading to the house of Cepeda, that all those who were disposed to aid them would be intercepted. They advanced therefore by the streets which led towards the great square, and were soon joined by others of their adherents, to the number of about two hundred men. To justify their conduct on this occasion, they caused the act which they had drawn up to be publickly read; but so great was the noise and confusion, that very few of those present were able to hear its tenor. On the arrival of the judges and their partizans in the great square, day began to dawn. At this time, the troops attached to the viceroy fired a few musket-shots, from the corridore of the palace, and began to extend themselves in front of the main gate. The soldiers who accompanied the oydors were much displeased at this procedure, and proposed to assault the palace, and to slay all that resisted them; but the oydors restrained and appeased them. The oydors then deputed Gaspard de Carvajal, the superior of the Dominicans, and Antonio de Robles, to inform the viceroy, that their only demand from him was an assurance that they should not be compelled to embark against their will and contrary to the express orders of his majesty, which fixed their residence at Lima. They farther required, that, without proceeding to hostilities, the viceroy should come to the great church, where they proposed, going to meet him, and where all their differences might be amicably settled; as otherwise he would put both himself and all who were with him in extreme danger. While these envoys were in the palace in the execution of their commission, the hundred soldiers who formed the guard of the viceroy went over in a body to the oydors; by which, as the entrance to the palace was left entirely unguarded, several of the malecontents got admission to the chambers belonging to the officers of the viceroy in the outer court, which they pillaged. At this time, the licentiate Ortiz de Zarate went from his house towards the palace, meaning to have joined the viceroy; but meeting the other oydors on his way, and seeing that it was impossible for him to prosecute his original design, he accompanied them to the church.
When the viceroy received the message of the oydors from Carvajal and Antonio de Robles, considering at the same time that his palace was already in possession of the insurgents, and that his own troops had abandoned him, he determined to proceed to the church, and to give himself up to the oydors who there waited for him. They carried him directly, in his coat of mail and cuirass, to the house of Cepeda; where, seeing Ortiz along with the other judges, he exclaimed: "Is it possible that you, in whom I had so much confidence as one of my best friends, have joined with the rest in making me a prisoner." To this the licentiate replied, "Whoever has told you so spoke falsely, as it is known to every one who those are that have caused you to be arrested, and that I have no share in the matter." The three other judges gave immediate orders to convey the viceroy on board ship, that he might be sent to Spain; justly fearing, if Gonzalo Pizarro should find him in custody on his arrival at Limn, that he would put him to death, or that the relations and friends of the commissary Suarez might kill him in revenge for the murder of that officer; as in either of which cases the blame might be imputed to them, the judges were much embarrassed how best to act in this delicate emergency, considering that if they merely sent the viceroy on board the fleet which lay at anchor off the harbour of Calao, he might be soon in condition to return in force against them. In this dilemma, they appointed Cepeda, one of their number, to act as captain-general of the colony; who, with a strong guard, conducted the deposed viceroy to the sea side on purpose to put him on board one of the ships. They found some difficulty in executing this measure, as Diego Alvarez de Cueto, who commanded the fleet, on seeing the assemblage of people on the shore, and learning that they had the viceroy among them as a prisoner, sent Jerom de Zurbano, one of his captains in an armed boat to collect all the boats of the fleet, with which, accompaniment he approached the shore and demanded the liberation of the viceroy from the judges. This measure was altogether ineffectual, as the judges refused to listen to the demands of Cueto; who, after exchanging a few shots with those on shore, went back to his ships.
After this, the judges sent off a message to Cueto, by means of Friar Gaspard de Carvajal, in which the deposed viceroy concurred, ordering him to surrender the command of the fleet, and to give up the children of the late marquis, in return for which they would place the viceroy under his charge, who would otherwise be in great peril of his life. On getting aboard ship, Friar Gaspard presented his commission to Cueto and gave him a full account of the state of affairs, in presence of the licentiate Vaca de Castro, who still remained a prisoner in that vessel. In consideration of the danger to which the viceroy was exposed, Cueto sent the children of the marquis on shore together with Don Antonio de Ribera and his wife who had the care of them. The judges still insisted that Cueto should surrender the fleet to their command, threatening to behead the viceroy if he refused; and though Vela Nunnez, brother to the viceroy, went several times with messages to induce compliance, the captains of the ships would not consent to that measure, so that the judges were constrained to return to Lima with the viceroy still in custody.
Two days afterwards, the commanders of the ships were informed that the judges and their partizans had come to the resolution of sending a strong force of musqueteers in boats to make themselves masters of the ships by force. They might perhaps have easily persuaded Cueto to give up the fleet, of which in reality Jerom de Zurbano had more the command than he, as all the soldiers and sailors who were attached to the deposed viceroy were at his disposal; but Zurbano, to whom the judges made great offers, was quite inflexible. The captains of the fleet came even to the resolution of quitting the port of Lima, to cruise upon the coast of Peru, till such time as they might receive orders from his majesty how to conduct themselves in the present crisis. They believed that the viceroy had many friends and adherents in Lima and other parts of Peru; as many persons who had not taken any share in the deposition and imprisonment of the viceroy, and several of those who were best disposed to the royal service continued almost daily to make their escape on board the fleet. The ships were tolerably well armed and appointed, having ten or twelve iron cannon, and three or four of brass, besides forty quintals of powder. As to provisions, they had above four hundred quintals of biscuit, five hundred bags of maize, and a large store of salt meat; so that they were victualled sufficiently for a considerable time, and they could easily procure water on any part of the coast. Their force however was very small, as they had only twenty five soldiers, and by no means a sufficient number of mariners for the ten ships which composed their fleet. They resolved therefore to abandon four of the smallest vessels, which they were unable to man; and not thinking it right to leave these behind, lest they might have been employed against themselves by the partizans of the judges, they set these small vessels on fire the day after the imprisonment of the viceroy, as likewise two fishing barks which were in the harbour, and then set sail. The four small ships were entirely destroyed, but the two fishing vessels were saved after sustaining very little damage.
The fleet went into the harbour of Guavra, which is eighteen leagues below the port of Lima, where they took in a supply of wood and water. They carried the licentiate Vaca de Castro along with them, and resolved to wait at Guavra to see what consequences might follow from the imprisonment of the viceroy. When this came to the knowledge of the judges, who believed the ships might not go to any considerable distance from Guavra, on account of the attachment of their commanders to the viceroy whose life was in danger, they determined to send a force both by sea and land to attempt acquiring possession of the ships almost at any risk. For this purpose, they gave orders to Diego Garcias de Alfaro, an inhabitant of Lima who was versant in maritime affairs, to repair and fit out the two barks which had drifted on shore. When that was done, Alfaro embarked in them with thirty musqueteers, and set sail towards Guavra. At the same time, Don Juan de Mendoza and Ventura Beltran, were sent off by land with a party of soldiers in the same direction. On coming to Guavra in the night, Garcias de Alfaro concealed his two barks behind a light house, in the harbour very near the ships, where he could not be seen. At the same time, the party which went by land began to fire off their muskets, and the people in the ships believed they were some friends of the viceroy who wished to embark. Vela Nunnez was sent accordingly in a boat to the shore, to learn what was meant by the firing, on which Diego Garcias pushed on his barks between Vela Nunnez and the ships, firing upon him and obliged him to surrender. Intelligence of this event was immediately sent to Cueto, with a message assuring him that both the viceroy and his brother would be immediately put to death unless he surrendered his ships to the judges. Cueto accordingly submitted, being afraid lest the threat might be executed; but had certainly not been allowed to do so if Zurbano had been present, who had sailed from Guavra with his ships, two days before the arrival of Diego Garcias, with the intention of going all along the coast between Lima and Tierra Firma to take possession of every ship he might fall in with, to prevent them from being employed by the oydors.
[Footnote 3: The expression in the text below, is probably an error in the French translator in rendering barlovento which signifies to leeward. Accordingly, to the north of Lima, and about the indicated distance, there is a sea-port or coast town named Huaura, certainly the place meant by Zarate. Hua and Gua are often inchanged by the Spaniards in the names of places in America, probably from the g having a guttural sound, or strong aspiration.—E.]
[Footnote 4: Garcilasso names this person Ventura Veltran.—E.]
[Footnote 5: In Garcilasso de la Vega, obviously copying this part of the story from Zarate, Garcias is said to have concealed his barks behind a rock.—E.]
[Footnote 6: This person is always named Cuero, by Garcilasso; who likewise informs us that he was brother-in-law to the viceroy.—E.]
Immediately after the departure of the fleet under Cueto from the port of Lima, the judges became apprehensive lest the relations of the commissary might put the viceroy to death, which they actually threatened; on which account they came to a resolution, to transport him to an island about two leagues from the coast. For this purpose he was embarked along with a guard of twenty men in one of those barks or floats made of dried reeds which the Indians call henea. When the judges learnt the surrender of the fleet under Cueto, they determined upon sending him as a prisoner to Spain, with a formal memorial of all that had passed, and deputed the licenciate Alvarez, one of their number to take charge of him thither, and to support their memorial at the court of Spain, giving him 8000 crowns to defray the expences of the voyage. For this purpose all the necessary dispatches were prepared, which were signed by all the judges of the royal audience, excepting Ortiz de Zarate, who refused his concurrence. Alvarez went by land to Guavra, to which place the viceroy was transported in one of the barks fitted out by Diego Garcias, and given into the custody of Alvarez, who immediately set sail with three ships that had been placed at his disposal, without waiting even for the dispatches from his brother judges. At this time, Vaca de Castro was carried back to the port of Lima, still a prisoner.
History of the usurpation of Gonzalo Pizarro, from the expulsion of the Viceroy to his defeat and death.
While the viceroy remained in the small island, as formerly mentioned, Alfonso de Montemayor and those who had gone along with him to succour Loyasa and Zavallos, returned to Lima, upon which the judges caused them to be arrested and disarmed, ordering them, and several of the captains who were attached to the viceroy, to be detained as prisoners in the house of Martin de Robles, and in the houses of several of the citizens of Lima. These prisoners were persuaded, if the viceroy could regain his liberty, that he would still be able to prevent the arrival of Gonzalo Pizarro at Lima, and to avert the disorders and evils which must flow from his successful usurpation, prejudicial to the rights of the crown and the interest of the colony. With this view, therefore, they concerted to unite together under arms, to bring back the viceroy from the place of his confinement, and to reinstate him in his authority; resolving in the execution of this project, to make the judges prisoners, or even to kill them if necessary, and to take possession of the city in the name of his majesty. They had assuredly executed their project, had they not been betrayed by a soldier, who discovered the whole plot to Cepeda. Immediately on receiving notice of this conspiracy, Cepeda in concert with the other judges apprehended all the leaders, namely Alfonso de Montemayor, Paolo de Meneses, Alfonso de Caceres, Alfonso de Barrionuevo, and some others. Several of these when put to the torture, had sufficient resolution to refuse confession; but Barrionuevo confessed partly, in hopes of satisfying the judges, and that they might not continue his torments. Upon his confession, he was at first condemned to lose his head; but in the sequel the judges satisfied themselves with causing his right hand to be cut off; and all the other leaders of the conspiracy, who persisted in refusing to confess, were banished from Peru.
After all these revolutionary events, information of every thing that had occurred in Lima, was transmitted to Gonzalo Pizarro, the judges and their friends being in hopes that, he would now be induced to dismiss his army. They were however quite mistaken in this expectation; for he believed that every thing, even the imprisonment of the viceroy, was a false rumour, or a mere concerted trick to force him to lay down his arms, and that they would put him to death when left without support.
In the mean time the licentiate Alvarez, as already mentioned, set sail from Guavra having charge of the viceroy and his brothers. Notwithstanding that this judge had been the chief promoter of every thing that had been done against the viceroy, having even especially contributed to make him a prisoner, and been most active in punishing those who had conspired to restore him to the government; yet, on the very first day of the voyage, he went into the cabin which had been appointed for the captive viceroy, declaring his repentance for all that he had done against him, and his earnest desire for a reconcilement. He assured him, that, in accepting the charge of his conveyance as a prisoner, he had been entirely actuated by the desire of serving him, that he might get him from under the power of Cepeda, and prevent him from falling into the hands of Gonzalo Pizarro, who was expected to arrive shortly at Lima. To satisfy the viceroy of his sincerity, Alvarez assured him that he was from that moment at full and perfect liberty, and that he now surrendered the command of the vessel into his hands; humbly beseeching him to forgive all that was passed, and declaring himself ready to obey his commands in all things. Alvarez then gave orders to the ten men who had been given him as guards over the viceroy, that they were now to obey the viceroy and not him. The viceroy expressed his entire satisfaction at this conduct in Alvarez, and took the command accordingly; yet in a very short time he treated Alvarez very ill, often calling him villain, traitor, mutineer, and other opprobrious names, and threatening that, though he spared his life for the present because he had occasion for his service, he would certainly have him hanged in the sequel. Yet they continued together till their arrival at Truxillo, as shall be related in the sequel.
It was soon suspected at Lima that Alvarez had entered into terms with the viceroy, from certain circumstances which had transpired before he embarked, but more especially from his having set sail without waiting for the dispatches of the royal court of audience, which had been delayed a day in waiting for the consent of Ortiz. While they were still in some degree of uncertainty on this subject, and waiting anxiously to know the whole truth, they judged proper to send a representation on the state of affairs to Gonzalo Pizarro, of which the following was the tenor. "That, in consequence of their commissions, and of the express powers confided to them by his majesty of doing every thing which might be necessary for the due administration of justice, and to place the country in good order, they had suspended the execution of the obnoxious regulations, as demanded by the colonists, and had even sent off the viceroy to Spain, which was more than had been required or could have been reasonably asked. As, therefore, there now remained no call or pretence for the military preparations which he had set on foot, they commanded him immediately to dismiss his troops: But, if he were inclined to come to Lima, he must come there as a man of peace, without warlike array; yet, if he considered it necessary to his safety to have an escort, they granted him permission to bring fifteen or twenty horsemen along with him."
When these orders were prepared, the judges were desirous of sending some of the inhabitants of Lima to carry them to Gonzalo Pizarro; but no one would undertake the commission, which they considered as extremely hazardous. They represented to the judges, that Gonzalo and his officers would reproach them for opposing the just measures in which they were engaged; as they had associated for the general interest of the colony. On this refusal of the inhabitants, the judges gave orders to Augustino, the royal treasurer of Peru, and Don Antonio de Ribeta, one of the citizens of Lima, to carry this order to Gonzalo. To these messengers they gave formal letters of credence, with which they set out upon their journey for the valley of Jauja, in which Gonzalo Pizarro was then encamped with his army. Gonzalo had already received notice of this intended embassy; and was afraid, if the envoys should give a public notification of the message with which they were entrusted, that his troops might mutiny; as he knew they were exceedingly desirous of marching to Lima in full force, that they might be in condition to pillage that city on the first pretext that offered. To prevent this, he sent Jerom de Villegas with thirty mounted musqueteers to intercept the two messengers now on their way to the army. According to his instructions, Villegas allowed Ribera to continue his journey to the camp; but made Augustino de Zarate a prisoner, and deprived him of his dispatches. Zarate was carried back by Villegas to the province of Pariacaca, where he was detained a prisoner for ten days, and every means were employed to intimidate him that he might not execute the commission with which he was entrusted.
[Footnote 7: The author of the History of the Discovery and Conquest of Peru, which forms the subject of the present article; who accordingly, might justly say of these events, quorum pars magna fui. His associate on this occasion was the person who had charge of the family of the late marquis Don Francisco Pizarro, and had married the widow of Francisco Martin de Alcantara, as we learn from Garcilasso.—E.]
[Footnote 8: No such province is now to be found in the best maps of Peru; but seventy or eighty miles to the north of Jauja, there is a district called the valley of Pari, with a town of the same name on the Chinchay Cocha, or lake of Chinchay, which may then have been called Pari-cocha, or Pari on the lake. From this circumstance, it appears the messengers had been obliged to make a great circuit towards the north, on purpose to get a passage across the main western ridge of the Andes.—E.]
At the end of that period Gonzalo Pizarro arrived with his army at Pariacaca, and called Zarate into his presence to give an account of the subject of his mission: Zarate had been already made to understand that his life would be in danger if he attempted to execute the orders he had received literally: For which reason, after having explained the whole distinctly to Gonzalo in private, on being taken into the tent where all the insurgent captains were assembled, he proceeded, as instructed by Gonzalo, to discharge his commission with prudent reserve. Gonzalo desired him to repeat all that he had already communicated to him, but Zarate, understanding distinctly what was expected of him by Gonzalo, in addressing the assembled officers in the name of the judges of the royal audience, used considerable address, and availed himself of the full powers contained in his credentials. He was silent therefore regarding the dismissal of the troops, which was the point of delicacy, and confined himself to such other matters as seemed proper for the service of his majesty and the good of the colony. In this view, he represented to them, "that, since the viceroy was deported, and their demand for suspending the obnoxious ordinances was granted, it seemed just that they should repay the sums which Blasco Nunnez Vela had taken from the royal treasury, as they had promised. That they should forgive those inhabitants of Cuzco who had deserted from their camp to join the late viceroy, since it could not be denied that these men had substantial reasons for what they had done; and that they ought to send a humble deputation to his majesty, to excuse and exculpate themselves from the measures in which they had been engaged." Zarate added several things of a similar nature; to all of which the only answer given by the council of officers, which he was directed to carry back to the judges was, "that it was indispensably necessary for the well being of the colony, that they should appoint Gonzalo Pizarro governor of Peru. After which every thing that was required should be done: But if this were refused, the military council was determined to give up Lima to be plundered by the soldiers."
Zarate would willingly have excused himself from bearing this answer; but as no other could be procured, he was obliged to return to Lima, where he reported it to the judges, to whom it gave much uneasiness and dissatisfaction. Gonzalo Pizarro had not hitherto carried his pretensions so high, having only insisted for the departure of the viceroy from Peru, and the suspension of the obnoxious regulations, and the judges were much at a loss how to conduct themselves under this new and unexpected demand. After mature deliberation, they sent to inform the insurgent officers, "that they were unable to grant their demand, or even to take it into consideration, unless some person should appear before them authorised to present the request according to the accustomed forms." Upon this message, all the procurators or deputies of the cities who were in the insurgent army repaired to Lima; where, in conjunction with such other deputies of the cities as were resident in that place, they presented a formal request in writing, demanding the same thing which had been formerly done by a verbal message. The auditors, considering this affair as exceedingly delicate, and that they neither had any right to grant what was now demanded, nor sufficient power to refuse it, as Gonzalo was now very near Lima which he held strictly blockaded; they resolved to submit the whole to the consideration of the principal persons of the city, that they might receive their sentiments and advice in the present crisis. For this purpose, they drew up a formal instrument of the whole matter, which was communicated to Don Jerom de Loyasa archbishop of Lima, Don Juan Solano archbishop of Cuzco, Don Garcia Diaz bishop of Quito, Fray Thomas de San Martino provincial of the Dominicans, Augustino de Zarate the treasurer, and to the royal accountant and controller general. This extraordinary council was desired to consider maturely the demands of the deputies, and to give their opinion freely on what was proper to be done in consequence. In this instrument, the judges explained at full length the reasons which induced them to require advice on this important subject, openly avowing that this measure was not resorted to in the view of following what the council might judge best, since neither the judges nor the council had any power in the present situation of affairs to act otherwise than as prescribed by Gonzalo Pizarro and his officers; but that the judges had called in this manner on the members of this extraordinary council, as recorded witnesses of the constraint and oppression under which they all now acted.
[Footnote 9: By Garcilasso, Zarate is represented as holding all the three offices, Treasurer, accountant, and controller.—E.]
While these deliberations were going on in Lima, Gonzalo Pizarro drew nigh with his army and encamped about a quarter of a league from the city, drawing up his numerous train of artillery in readiness for service. As a whole day elapsed without the formal appointment as governor being transmitted to him, he became impatient; and dispatched thirty musqueteers into the city under the command of his lieutenant-general, who made prisoners of twenty-eight persons, among whom were those who had formerly deserted him at Cuzco, and others who were most obnoxious for having taken part with the viceroy. Among these were Gabriel de Roias, Garcilasso de la Vega, Melchior Verdugo, the licentiate Carvajal, Pedro de Barco, Martin de Florencia, Alfonso de Caceres, Pedro de Manjares, Luis de Leon, Antonio Ruys de Guevara, and some others of highest consideration in the colony. These were committed to the common prison, of which the lieutenant-general took possession, taking away the keys from the alcalde or keeper. The judges were utterly unable to make the smallest opposition to this strong measure, and dared not even to express their disapprobation, as there did not now remain fifty soldiers in the city; all those who had been formerly attached to them or to the viceroy having gone over to the camp of Gonzalo, who had now a force of twelve hundred men completely armed, including his original troops and those who deserted to him on this occasion.
Next morning, several of the insurgent officers came into the city, and required the judges to make out the commission for Gonzalo, and to proclaim him governor-general of Peru without delay, otherways threatening to give up the city to plunder, and to massacre the inhabitants, in which case they would begin by putting the judges to death. The judges endeavoured to excuse themselves, alleging that they had neither right nor authority to do what was desired. Whereupon Carvajal, the lieutenant-general under Pizarro, caused four of his prisoners to be brought from the prison, and ordered three of them to be hanged on a tree near the city. These unfortunate men were Pedro de Barco, Martin de Florencia, and Juan de Saavedra. Carvajal only allowed them a short half hour to confess their sins and to prepare for death, adding insult and mockery to his cruelty. He particularly indulged in raillery against Pedro de Barco, who was last executed; saying, as he was a brave commander who had made several conquests, and was one of the most considerable and richest men in Peru, he was inclined to allow him some distinction in his death, and that he therefore granted him the high and honourable privilege of choosing which branch of the tree he preferred for being hanged upon. Luis de Leon escaped at the intercession of his brother who served under Gonzalo.
On seeing these arbitrary proceedings, and being threatened by Carvajal with a similar treatment of all the other prisoners, and that the city should be given up to pillage if they did not execute the required commission without delay, the judges sent to the members of the extraordinary council formerly mentioned, desiring them to give their undisguised sentiments: upon what was proper to be done. They accordingly agreed unanimously that it was necessary to comply with the demands of Gonzalo; and the judges immediately made out a commission appointing Gonzalo Pizarro governor-general of Peru, until his majesty might give orders to the contrary, and without prejudice to the rights and authority of the royal audience, to which Gonzalo was required to make oath that he would renounce his authority whenever it might please his majesty or the audience to demand it from him, and likewise engaging to submit to their authority in the event of any complaints against him, either as an individual, or in the execution of his high office.
On receiving his commission, Gonzalo Pizarro made his public entry into Lima, with all his troops in martial order. Captain Bachicao marched at the head of the vanguard with the artillery, consisting of twenty field pieces, which with all their ammunition, carriages, and other equipments, were carried on the shoulders of six thousand Indians, who completely filled all the streets through which they had to pass. The artillery was accompanied by a guard of thirty musqueteers and fifty canoneers. The company of two hundred pikemen commanded by Diego de Gumiel followed next. Then two companies of musqueteers, commanded by the Captains Guevara and Pedro Cermeno, the former consisting of 150, and the latter of 200 men. After these followed three companies of infantry who preceded Gonzalo Pizarro as his body guards, who followed on horseback in his coat of mail, over which he wore a robe of cloth of gold. He was followed by three captains of cavalry: Don Pedro de Porto Carrero in the middle carrying the royal standard belonging to his troop, having Antonio de Altamirano on his right with the standard of Cuzco, and Pedro de Puelles on his left with a standard of the arms of Gonzalo Pizarro. The whole cavalry of the army brought up the rear in regular order. In this array, the whole column of march moved towards the house of the oydor Ortiz de Zarate, where the other judges were assembled. Ortiz had feigned sickness, on purpose to avoid attending the royal court of audience at the reception of Gonzalo, but his brethren adjourned the sitting to his house on the occasion.
Leaving his cavalry drawn up in the great square, Gonzalo made his appearance before the assembled judges, who received him in form, and administered to him the oath as governor. From thence he proceeded to the town house, where all the magistrates of the city were assembled, and where he was received with all the usual solemnities. Having gone through all the ceremonies, he retired to his own house, and the lieutenant-general Carvajal dismissed the army to its quarters upon the citizens, who were ordered to entertain them at free quarters. Gonzalo Pizarro continued to reside in Lima, exercising his authority as governor in all things pertaining to military affairs, without interfering in the administration of justice, which he confided entirely to the oydors, who held their sittings for that purpose in the house of the treasurer Alfonso Riquelme. Immediately after assuming the office of governor, Gonzalo sent Alfonso de Toro as his lieutenant to Cuzco, Pedro de Fuentes to Arequipa, Francisco de Almendras to La Plata, and others in the same quality to the other cities of Peru.
[Footnote 10: According to Garcilasso, the entry of Gonzalo Pizarro into Lima was in October 1544, forty days after the deposition and imprisonment of the viceroy. In the History of America, II. 373, this event is dated on the 28th October.—E.]
As in the sequel of this history we shall have much to say respecting Gonzalo Pizarro and his lieutenant-general Francisco de Carvajal, it may be proper in this place to give a short account of the age, qualities, and characters of these two men. At this period, Gonzalo Pizarro was about forty years of age, large made and tall, well proportioned, of a dark brown complexion, with a long black beard. He was well versant in military affairs and took great delight in war, of which he endured the labours and privations with much patient fortitude. He was an excellent horseman; and though his genius was rather confined, and his language vulgar, he could express his sentiments with sufficient clearness. He was exceedingly remiss in keeping his secrets to himself, by which weakness he often suffered much prejudice in his affairs and military transactions. He was rather avaricious, and disliked much to give away money; owing to which want of liberality his affairs frequently suffered material injury. He was exceedingly amorous, not confining himself like his brother the marquis to the native women, but gave much offence by his intrigues among the Spanish ladies in Peru.
Francisco de Carvajal was a man of low descent, the son of a person employed in collecting the tax on salt, and was born in the village of Ragama near Arevala. He had served long in the wars of Italy under Count Pedro de Navarre, having been in the battle of Pavia, where the king of France was taken prisoner. On his return to Spain he was accompanied by a lady of a good family, Donna Catalina de Leyton, to whom he was said to be married; though most people believed otherwise, and some even alleged she had been a nun. After his return to Spain, he lived for some time at the commandry of Heliche, in the capacity of a steward; and went afterwards into New Spain with the lady who passed for his wife. He was for some time employed in Mexico, where he held some office; whence he was sent by the viceroy of that kingdom to Peru, along with reinforcements to the marquis Pizarro, at the time when the Indians revolted, as formerly related. On this occasion, the marquis gave him some lands and Indians at Cuzco, where he resided till the arrival of the viceroy; when he was about to have returned into Spain with a considerable sum which he had amassed from the Indians of his repartimiento; but not being able to procure an opportunity, he had remained in the country. When Gonzalo Pizarro assumed the government of Peru, Carvajal was said to be eighty years of age. He was of the middle stature, but very gross, full-faced, and high-complexioned. He was skilled in warlike affairs, having had long experience, and was able to undergo fatigue infinitely better than could have been expected at his advanced age. He hardly ever quitted his armour, either by day or night; and scarcely ever slept, except on a chair, leaning his head on his hand. He was so much addicted to wine, that when he could not procure such as was brought from Spain, he used to content himself with the strong liquors made by the Indians, of which he drank more freely than any other Spaniard. His disposition was addicted to cruelty, insomuch that he frequently put people to death upon very slight grounds, sometimes even without any reason at all, except merely under pretence of keeping up proper military discipline. Even when ordering any unfortunate persons to condign punishment, he was wont to crack his jokes, and to pay them ironical compliments. He was a bad Christian, and much addicted to impiety, as was manifest in all his words and actions; and was prodigiously avaricious in the acquisition of money, for which purpose he pillaged many of their wealth, by threatening to put them to death, and then letting them free for a good round sum. He ended his days in a miserable manner, with small hope of salvation, as will appear in the sequel.
To return to the incidents of our history: Our readers may recollect that Luis de Ribera, lieutenant governor in La Plata, and Antonio Alvares alcalde or judge ordinary of that city, with most of its inhabitants, had taken the field with the purpose of joining the viceroy. After journeying a long way in the deserts without receiving any intelligence of the events which were passing at Lima, they at length learnt that the viceroy was deposed and that Gonzalo Pizarro had usurped the government of Peru. As Ribera and Alvarez were the chief leaders and instigators of the citizens of La Plata, they did not dare to return to that city in the present situation of affairs, and took therefore the resolution of seeking refuge among the Indians in the inaccessible mountains. Some of their associates, however, ventured to return to their city, while others went to Lima, where they obtained pardon from Gonzalo; but he forfeited their lands and Indians, and sent Francisco de Almendras to take possession of their repartimientos in his name, as funds for reimbursing the expences of the war.
We must now advert to the deposed viceroy. After he had been set at liberty by the oydor Alvarez, as has been already related, and the two other vessels which carried his brother, friends, and servants, had likewise submitted to his authority, he continued his voyage with all the three ships to the port of Tumbez, where he and Alvarez landed, leaving proper persons to take charge of the ships. Immediately on landing, the viceroy and oydor began to exercise their respective authorities, by constituting a royal audience, and proclamations were dispersed through every part of the country, giving an account of the illegal deposition and imprisonment of the viceroy and the usurpation of Gonzalo, and commanding all faithful subjects of his majesty to join the standard of the viceroy. He issued these orders to the cities of Quito, San Miguel, Puerto Viejo, and Truxillo; and commissioned captains to go to different places to raise troops; sending, among others, Jerom de Pereira on this errand into the province of Bracamoras. In consequence of these proceedings, many persons came to Tumbez to join his standard. He applied himself likewise to collect provisions and ammunition, strengthening his party as much as possible; and issued orders to transmit to him all the money which was contained in the royal coffers, which was obeyed in many places. Some of the inhabitants however, fled into the mountains, being unwilling to attach themselves to either of the parties which now divided the unhappy colony, while others went to join Gonzalo Pizarro. Intelligence was soon carried to Gonzalo of the arrival of the viceroy at Tumbez, and of his preparations for recovering his authority, and some even of the proclamations and orders of the viceroy were brought to him at Lima. Gonzalo was by no means negligent in endeavouring to counteract the proceedings of the viceroy; for which purpose he sent orders to Ferdinand de Alvarado, his lieutenant at Truxillo, and the captains. Gonzalo Diaz and Jerom Villegas, to collect as many soldiers as possible in that part of the country, lest they might have gone to Tumbez to join the party of the viceroy. He commanded these officers to give every possible interruption to the preparations of the viceroy, yet ordered them on no account to risk coming to a battle with the royalists, however powerful and numerous they might conceive their troops to be in comparison with those of the viceroy.
It had been long proposed to send a deputation from Gonzalo and the communities of Peru into Spain, to lay an account before his majesty of all that had occurred in the colony; and many of the principal insurgents insisted on the necessity of this measure, to justify their conduct. Others again, among whom the principal persons were the lieutenant-general Carvajal and Captain Bachicao, were of an opposite opinion; insisting that it were better to wait till his majesty might think proper to send out persons to inquire into the cause of his revenues being detained. They alleged that the viceroy must have already fully informed his majesty upon all the late transactions, and would doubtless be listened to in preference to any thing which they could say in defence of their conduct. On this account, the leaders of the insurgents regretted that they had not at the first sent over the judges of the royal audience into Spain, to give an account of their reasons for having made the viceroy a prisoner. And, after many deliberations on this subject, it was at length determined to send home the Doctor Texada, one of the oydors, in the name of the royal audience, to lay an account of the whole before the king. It was at the same time resolved, that Francisco Maldonado, who was master of the household of Gonzalo Pizarro, should accompany Texada, carrying justificatory letters from his master; but without any title, credence, or powers whatever. By these measures, two purposes were served at the same time, both of which were deemed useful: In sending a deputation to the king to justify their proceeding, those of their party who pressed that measure were satisfied; and by employing Texada on this errand, the court of royal audience was virtually broken up, as Ortiz de Zarate could not then hold sittings by himself. When this proposal was communicated to Texada, he readily consented to undertake the office, on condition that he were furnished with 6000 crowns to defray the expences of his voyage. Accordingly, Cepeda and he composed all the memorials and dispatches which were deemed necessary, which were signed by these two judges only, as Ortiz refused his concurrence.
[Footnote 11: Zarate seems to forget the existence of Cepeda, one of the judges; but he seems to have entirely devoted himself to the party of the usurper, while Ortiz affected at least to retain a sense of loyalty.—E.]
When all was in readiness for the dispatch of Texada and Maldonado, a ship which lay in the harbour of Lima was ordered to be fitted out for their reception, of which Captain Bachicao was to have taken the command, with a sufficient number of cannon, and twenty soldiers; having orders to take possession of all the ships he might fall in with along the coast. At this time, Vaca de Castro, the ex-president, who still remained a prisoner in this ship, contrived to gain over a majority of the seamen belonging to the vessel, with the assistance of his friend Garcia de Montalva who occasionally visited him. By these means he acquired the command of the vessel, which was already provided with every thing needful for the voyage, and immediately set sail. This untoward incident gave much uneasiness to Gonzalo Pizarro, both because it delayed the departure of Texada, and because he judged that it could not have happened without the concurrence of several concealed enemies to the present state of affairs. On this the troops were ordered under arms, and all the principal persons who were suspected of disaffection to the party of Pizarro were taken into custody and committed to the common prison of the city, both those who had fled from Cuzco, and those belonging to other cities who had not joined his party. One of the persons committed to prison on this occasion was the licentiate Carvajal, to whom the lieutenant-general Carvajal sent a message, desiring him to confess and make his will, as he was immediately to be put to death. The licentiate did accordingly what he was desired, and prepared himself to die with much firmness and resolution; yet he was urged to be more expeditious, and the executioner was present, provided with cords for tying his hands and strangling him. Every one believed the last hour of the licentiate was come; more especially as, considering his rank and quality, it was not thought possible that he could be treated in this manner merely to frighten him. It was likewise universally believed, that the execution of the licentiate would be speedily followed by that of all the other prisoners; which it was conceived would prove of material detriment to the colony, as they consisted of the very principal people of the country, and of those who had always evinced the most zealous loyalty to the service of his majesty.
While matters seemed fast tending to this extremity, several of the most judicious persons went to Gonzalo Pizarro, and requested of him to reflect that the licentiate Carvajal was one of the principal persons in the country, and that his brother had been already unjustly put to death by the viceroy, under pretence of the licentiate having joined the party of Pizarro. They urged that it was exceedingly imprudent at this time to put the licentiate to death, as that would necessarily renew the discontents which had formerly taken place on the death of his brother the commissary. They even added, that much good service might be expected from the licentiate, were it only in pursuit of revenge for the death of his brother. They insisted that neither the licentiate nor any of the other prisoners had any hand in the flight of Vaca de Castro; but that it might easily be seen that the slightest pretexts were resorted to on purpose to accuse them, who were already under suspicion as disaffected to the ruling party. Teased and fatigued by these solicitations, Gonzalo Pizarro refused to be spoken to on the subject; so that the licentiate and his friends were induced to try another expedient for his release. They conveyed to the lieutenant-general an ingot of gold weighing forty marks, with a promise of a much larger present if he would save the life of the licentiate. The lieutenant-general accepted their offers, delayed the execution of the licentiate, and prevailed on Gonzalo Pizarro to set him and all the other suspected persons at liberty.
[Footnote 12: The weight of this is 820 ounces, which at L. 4 an ounce comes to L. 1280, and was then worth as much as L. 7680 is in efficient value.—E]
After the conclusion of this business, measures were taken for the dispatch of Texada and Maldonado; and at this time there happened to arrive a brigantine from Arequipa, which was fitted out along with some other vessels, and armed with a part of the artillery which had been brought down from Cuzco. In these vessels Bachicao embarked along with the deputies, accompanied by sixty musqueteers, who were all that could be prevailed upon to undertake the voyage. They proceeded on their voyage along the coast to the northwards, and arrived one morning early at Tumbez, where they understood the viceroy then resided. Immediately on their being perceived making for the coast, the adherents of the viceroy gave the alarm and stood on their defence: But as the viceroy believed that Gonzalo Pizarro was on board in person accompanied by a formidable body of troops, he retired in all haste from Tumbez accompanied by an hundred and fifty men, taking the road for Quito. Several of his people however did not think fit to accompany his flight, and preferred giving themselves up to Bachicao, who likewise took possession of two ships which happened to be in the port of Tumbez. From thence, Bachicao went to Puerto Viejo and other places, where he drew together about an hundred and fifty men, all of whom he took along with him in the ships of his squadron. Among these were Bartholomew Perez, and Juan Delmos, respectable inhabitants of Puerto Viejo.
Continuing his voyage towards Panama, Bachicao put in at the Isle of Pearls, about twenty leagues from Panama to procure refreshments. While at that place, the inhabitants of Panama received notice of his arrival, and sent two deputies to learn his intentions, requesting at the same time that he would not come into their boundaries with his troops. Bachicao sent back word, that although he happened to be accompanied by armed men, it was merely on purpose to defend himself against the viceroy, and that he had not the most distant intention of injuring or even displeasing the inhabitants of Panama. He informed them, that he was entrusted with the transport of the Doctor Texada, one of the royal judges, who was charged with a commission from the court of audience to give an account to his majesty of the events which had occurred in Peru. He farther declared that he should only land in Panama to provide necessaries for his voyage back to Peru, and would reimbark without delay. Lulled into security by these assurances, the inhabitants of Panama took no measures for defence. On coming into the port, two ships which happened to be there, made sail to go away; one of which was taken possession of by one of the brigantines belonging to Bachicao, and brought back to the harbour, with the master and chief mate hanging from the yard arms. This sad spectacle gave great uneasiness to the inhabitants, who judged from this tragical event, that the purposes of Bachicao were very different from his words and promises. But it was not now time to think of defence, and they were constrained to submit, though filled with terror and dismay, leaving their lives and properties entirely at the discretion of Bachicao, who was no less cruel than the lieutenant-general Carvajal, or even more so if possible; being at the same time exceedingly addicted to cursing and blasphemy, and among all his vices not a single spark of virtue could be found to relieve the picture.
At this time Captain Juan de Gusman was in Panama raising soldiers for the service of the viceroy; but he found it advisable to retire on the arrival of Bachicao, with whom all these soldiers now inlisted. Bachicao likewise got possession of the artillery which had belonged to the vessel in which Vaca de Castro escaped from Lima. Seeing himself master of Panama, Bachicao who was a brutal passionate fellow, exercised the command there in a cruel and tyrannical manner, disposing at his will of the goods and properties of every one, violating every rule of law and justice, oppressing the liberties of the community, and holding every individual under such slavish constraint, that no one dared to act otherwise than as he pleased to dictate. Learning or suspecting that two of his captains had formed the design of putting him to death, he ordered them both to be beheaded without any form of trial; and in similar acts of injustice, and in every transaction, he used no other formality than ordering it to be intimated by the public crier, "That Captain Ferdinand Bachicao had ordained such and such to be done." He thus usurped supreme and absolute authority, paying not the smallest regard to the laws, or even to the external forms of justice.
The licentiate Vaca de Castro, who was at Panama when Bachicao arrived, fled immediately across the isthmus to Nombre de Dios on the Atlantic, where he embarked accompanied by Diego Alvarez de Cueto and Jerom Zurbano. Doctor Texada and Francisco Maldonado escaped likewise to the same port, where they all embarked together for Spain. Texada died on the voyage while passing the Bahamas. On their arrival in Spain, Moldonado and Cueto went directly to Germany, where the emperor Don Carlos then was, where each gave an account of the business with which they were entrusted. Vaca de Castro remained for some time at Tercera in the Azores; whence he went to Lisbon, and afterwards to the court of Spain; alleging that he did not dare to go by way of Seville, on account of the influence in that place of the brothers relations and friends of Juan Tello, whom he had put to death after the defeat of the younger Almagro. On his arrival at court, De Castro was put under arrest in his own house by order of the council of the Indies. He was afterwards brought to trial on a variety of accusations, in the course of which he was kept prisoner for five years in the citadel of Arevalo. He was afterwards removed to a private house in Simanca, from which he was not permitted to go out: And in consequence of a subsequent revolution in the court of Spain, he was allowed to remain a prisoner at large in the city and territory of Valladolid, till his cause was finally adjuged .
[Footnote 13: We learn from Garcilasso, that Vara de Castro was in the end honourably acquitted, and that in the year 1461, when Garcilasso was at Madrid, De Castro was senior member of the council of the Indies. His son, Don Antonio, was made knight of St. Jago, and had a grant of lands and Indians in Peru to the extent of 20,000 pieces of eight yearly.—E.]
On the flight of the viceroy from Tumbez with an hundred and fifty men, as before related, in consequence of the arrival of Bachicao, he retired to Quito, where he was honourably received. In this place he increased his force to two hundred men, and finding the country fertile and abounding in provisions, he determined to remain there till he might receive ulterior orders from his majesty, in reply to the informations he had transmitted by Diego Alvarez de Cueto. In the mean time he appointed strong guards to defend the passes in the mountains, and stationed spies on the different roads, that he might have early intimation of the procedure of Gonzalo Pizarro at Lima, which is three hundred leagues from Quito. About this time four soldiers belonging to Gonzalo deserted on account of some injurious treatment, and seized a small bark in the port of Lima, in which they sailed northwards to a place where they landed, and whence they travelled by land to Quito. On their arrival, they represented to the viceroy, that the inhabitants of Lima and other places were exceedingly discontented by the conduct of Gonzalo, who subjected them to the most harassing and vexatious tyranny, driving them from their houses, and despoiling them of their goods, so that many of the colonists were reduced to depend on other persons for their subsistence. That Gonzalo imposed such burthensome contributions on the whole inhabitants, that they were unable to endure them; and that all were so weary of his tyranny, that they would gladly join any person who might come among them in the name of the king, to relieve them from the cruel oppression and tyrannous violence of the usurper. In consequence of this statement, the viceroy was induced to march from Quito towards San Miguel, appointing to the command of his troops one Diego de Occampo, an inhabitant of Quito, who had joined him on his arrival at Tumbez, and had expended large sums in his service from his own private fortune.