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De Bello Catilinario et Jugurthino
by Caius Sallustii Crispi (Sallustius)
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Classical Series. Edited By Drs. Schmitz And Zumpt.

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C SALLUSTII CRISPI

DE BELLO CATILINARIO et JUGURTHINO.

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PREFACE.

The text of Sallust, notwithstanding the many and excellent editions which have been published, has not yet acquired a form that can be regarded as generally adopted and established; for the number of manuscripts is great, and their differences have led critical editors to form different opinions as to which, in each case, is the correct reading, or at least the one most worthy of acceptation. This difference of opinion manifested itself especially after the edition of Gottleib Corte (Leipzig, 1724, 4to.), who in many passages abandoned the vulgate as constituted by Gruter and Wasse, and on the authority of a few manuscripts, altered the text of Sallust, on the mere supposition that his style was abrupt. Corte's recension was adopted by many, and often reprinted; while others, especially Haverkamp, in his valuable and very complete edition (Hague, 1742, 2 vols. 4to.), returned to the vulgate. The latest critical editors of Sallust—Gerlach (Basel, 1823, &c. 3 vols. 4to., and a revised text, Basel, 1832, 8vo.) and Kritz (Leipzig, 1828, &c. 2 vols. 8vo.)—though declaring against the arbitrary proceedings of Corte, yet very often differ in their texts from each other. Between these two stands the edition of the learned critic, J. C. Orelli (Zurich, 1840), whose text forms the basis of the present edition. But besides abandoning his artificial and antiquated orthography, and restoring that which is adopted in most editions of Latin classics, we have felt obliged in many instances to give up Orelli's reading, and to follow the authority of the best manuscripts, especially the Codex Leidensis (marked L in Haverkamp's edition). For our explanatory notes we are much indebted to the edition of Kritz, though we have often been under the necessity of differing from him.

C. G. Zumpt.

Berlin, May, 1848.

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INTRODUCTION.

Caius Sallustius Crispus, according to the statement of the ancient chronologer Hieronymus, was born in B. C. 86, at Amiternum, in the country of the Sabines (to the north-east of Rome), and died four years before the battle of Actium—that is, in B.C. 34 or 35. After having no doubt gone through a complete course of law and the art of oratory, he devoted himself to the service of the Roman republic at a time when Rome was internally divided by the struggle of the opposite factions of the optimates, or the aristocracy, and the populares, or the democratical party. The optimates supported the power of the senate, and of the nobility who prevailed in the senate; while the populares were exerting themselves to bring all public questions of importance before the popular assembly for decision, and resisted the influence of illustrious and powerful families, whose privileges, arising from birth and wealth, they attempted to destroy. Sallust belonged to the latter of these parties. In B.C. 52 he was tribune of the people, and took an active part in the disturbances which were caused at Rome in that year by the open struggles between Annius Milo, one of the optimates, who was canvassing for the consulship, and P. Clodius, who was trying to obtain the praetorship. Milo slew Clodius on a public road: he was accused by the populares, and defended by the optimates; but the judges, who could not allow such an act of open violence to escape unpunished, condemned, and sentenced him to exile. Pompey alone, who was then consul for the third time, was capable of restoring order and tranquillity. The position of a tribune of the people was a difficult one for Sallust: he was to some extent opposed to Milo, and consequently also to Cicero, who pleaded for Milo; but there exists a statement that he gave up his opposition; and he himself, in the introduction to his 'Catiline,' intimates that his honest endeavours for the good of the state drew upon him only ill-will and hatred. Two years later (B.C. 50), he was ejected from the senate by the censor Appius Claudius, one of the most zealous among the optimates. The other censor, L. Piso, did not protect either Sallust, or any of the others who shared the same fate with him, against this act of partiality. Rome was at that time governed by the most oppressive oligarchy, which was then mainly directed against Julius Caesar, who, as a reward for his brilliant achievements in extending the Roman dominion in Gaul, desired to be allowed to offer himself in his absence as a candidate for his second consulship—a desire which the people were willing to comply with, as it was based upon a law which had been passed some years before in favour of Caesar; but the optimates endeavoured in every way to oppose him, and drawing Pompey over to their side, they brought about a rupture between him and Caesar. Sallust was looked upon in the senate as a partisan of the latter, and this was the principal reason why he was deprived of his seat in the great council of the republic; and L. Piso, the father-in-law of Caesar, is said not to have opposed the partiality of his colleague in the censorship, in order to increase the number of Caesar's partisans. When, in B. C. 49, Caesar established his right by force of arms, Sallust went over to him, and was restored not only to his seat in the senate, but was advanced to the praetorship in the year B. C. 47. Sallust served, both before and during his year of office, in the capacity of a lieutenant in Caesar's armies. He also accompanied him to Africa in the war against the Pompeian party there, and after its successful termination, was left behind as proconsul of Numidia, which was made a Roman province. In the discharge of his duties, he is said to have indulged in extorting money from the new subjects of Rome. He was accused, but acquitted. This is the historical statement of Dion Cassius; but a hostile writer of doubtful authority mentions that, by paying 12,000 pieces of gold to Caesar (perhaps as damages for the injury done), he purchased his acquittal.

Hereupon Sallust withdrew from public life, to devote his leisure to literature, and the composition of works on the history of his native country; for, as after the murder of Caesar, in B. C. 44, the republic was again delivered over to a state of military despotism, peaceful advice was deprived of its influence. It need hardly be mentioned that Sallust, as he had qualified himself for the highest political career, and the great offices of the republic, must have been possessed of an independent property; but the statement, that he afterwards gave himself up to a life of luxury—that he purchased a villa at Tibur, which had formerly belonged to Caesar—and that he possessed a splendid mansion, with a garden laid out with elegant plantations and appropriate buildings, at Rome, near the Colline gate—is founded on the equivocal authority of a writer of a late period, who was hostile to him. It is indeed certain that there existed at Rome horti Sallustiani, in which Augustus frequently resided, and which were afterwards in the possession of the Roman emperors; but it is doubtful as to whether they had been acquired and laid out by our historian, or by his nephew, a Roman eques, and particular favourite of Augustus. The statement that Sallust married Terentia, the divorced wife of Cicero, is still more doubtful, and probably altogether fictitious.[1] There is, however, a statement of a contemporary, the learned friend of Cicero, M. Varro, which cannot be doubted—that in his earlier years Sallust, in the midst of the party-strife at Rome, kept up an illicit intercourse with the wife of Milo; but how much the hostility of party may have had to do with such a report, cannot be decided. In his writings, Sallust expresses a strong disgust of the luxurious mode of life, and the avarice and prodigality, of his contemporaries; and there can be no doubt that these repeated expressions of a stern morality excited both his contemporaries and subsequent writers to hunt up and divulge any moral foibles in his life and character, especially as in his compositions he struck into a new path, by abandoning the ordinary style, and artificially reviving the ancient style of composition.

[1] This strange account is found in Hieronymus's first work against Jovinianus, towards the end; and it becomes still more strange by the addition, that Terentia was married a third time to the orator Messalla Corvinus (who was consul with Augustus, B. C. 91):—Illa (Terentia) interim conjunx egregia, et quae de fontibus Tullianis hauserat sapientiam, nupsit Sallustio, inimico ejus, et tertio Messallae Corvino: et quasi per quosdam gradus eloquentiae devoluta est. It almost appears as if in this tradition it had been intended to mark three phases in the style of Roman oratory, for Sallust was twenty years younger than Cicero, and Messalla nearly as many years younger than Sallust.

The historical works of Sallust are, De Bello Catilinae, De Bello Jugurthino (or the two Bella, as the ancients call them), and five books of Historiae—that is, a history of the Roman republic during the period of twelve years, from the death of Sulla in B. C. 78, down to the appointment of Pompey to the supreme command in the war against Mithridates in B. C. 66. This history was regarded by the ancients as the principal work of our author; but is now lost, with the exception of four speeches and two political letters, which some admirer of oratory copied separately from the context of the history, and which have thus been preserved to our times. The two Bella, which are preserved entire, form the contents of the present volume.

The work De Bella Catilinae formed the beginning of his historical compositions, as is clear from the author's own introduction; but it was not written till after the murder of Caesar in B. C. 44. In it he describes the conspiracy of L. Sergius Catilina, a man of noble birth and high rank, but ruined circumstances; its discovery, and the punishment of the conspirators at Rome in B. C. 63; and its final and complete suppression in a pitched battle at the beginning of the year B. C. 62.

The Bellum Jugurthinum treats of the life of Jugurtha, who in B. C. 118, together with his cousins, Adherbal and Hiempsal, governed Numidia. Having crushed his two cousins by fraud and violence, Jugurtha afterwards maintained himself in his usurped kingdom for several years against the Roman armies and generals that were sent out against him, until in the end, after several defeats sustained at the hands of the Roman consuls, L. Metullus and C. Marius, his own ally, Bocchus, king of Mauretania, delivered him up into the hands of the Roman quaestor, L. Sulla.

In the work on the war of Catiline, Sallust reveals especially the corruption of what was called the Roman nobility, by tracing the criminal designs of the conspirators to their sources—avarice, and the love of pleasure. In the history of the Jugurthine war, he particularly exposes and condemns the system of bribery in which the leading men of that age indulged; but on the other hand, he draws a pleasing contrast in describing the restoration of military discipline by Metullus and Marius. The difficult campaigns in the extensive and desert country of Numidia, and the wonderful events of this war, also deserve the attention of the reader; the more so, as the author has bestowed the greatest care on giving vivid descriptions of them.

Among the writings of Sallust, which have been transmitted to us in manuscripts, and are printed in the larger editions of his works, there are two epistles addressed to Caesar, containing the author's opinions and advice regarding the new constitution to be given to the republic, after the defeat of the optimates and their faction by the dictator. They are written in his own peculiar style: the first contains excellent ideas and energetic exposures of the general defects and evils in the state, as well as plans for remedying them; the second adds some proposals regarding the courts of justice, and the composition of the senate, the utility and practicability of which appear somewhat doubtful. The authenticity of these epistles, therefore, is still a matter of uncertainty. Lastly, there are two Declamations (declamationes), the one purporting to be by M. Cicero against Sallust, and the other by Sallust against Cicero; but both are evidently unworthy of the character and style of the men whose names they bear, and are justly considered to be the production of some wretched rhetorician of the third or fourth century of the Christian era.[2] Such declaimers made use of all possible reports that were current respecting the moral weaknesses of the two men, and respecting an enmity between them, of which history knows nothing, and which is contradicted by our author himself, by the praise he bestows, in his 'Catilinarian War,' upon Cicero.

[2] It has indeed been said that Quinctilian, who wrote about the year 95 after Christ, cites passages from these Declamations; but critical investigation has shown that these passages are interpolations, and are found only in the worst manuscripts.

Sallust's character as an historian, and his grammatical style, have been the subjects of contradictory opinions even among the ancients themselves—both his own contemporaries, and the men of succeeding ages. Some condemned his introductions, as having nothing to do with the works themselves; found fault with the minute details of the speeches introduced in the narrative; and called him a senseless imitator, in words and expressions, of the earlier Roman historians, especially of Cato. Others praised him for his vivid delineations of character, the precision and vigour of his diction, and for the dignity which he had given to his style by the use of ancient words and phrases which were no longer employed in the ordinary language of his own day. But however different these opinions may appear, there is truth both in the censure and in the praise, though the praise no doubt outweighs the censure; and the general opinion among the later Romans justly declared primus Romana Crispus in historia. It is obvious that it is altogether unjust to say that his introductions are unsuitable, and that the speeches he introduces are inappropriate: for an author must be allowed to write a preface to make an avowal of his own sentiments; and the speeches are inseparably connected with the forms of public life in antiquity: they are certainly not too long, and express most accurately, both in sentiment and style, the characters of the great men to whom the author assigns them. We have no hesitation in declaring that the speeches in the Catiline and Jugurtha, as well as those extracted from the Historiae, are the most precious specimens of the kind that have come down to us from antiquity.

As regards the grammatical style and the imitation of earlier authors, for which Sallust has been blamed by some, and praised by others, it must be observed that he is the first among the classical authors extant in whose works we perceive a difference between the refined language of public life, such as we have it in Cicero and Caesar, and a new and artificially-formed language of literature. Cicero and Caesar wrote just as a well-educated orator of taste spoke: after the death of Caesar, oratory began to withdraw from the active scenes of public life; and there remained few authors who, following the practical vocation of an orator, though at an unfavourable epoch, yet observed the principle which is generally correct—that a man ought to write in the same manner in which well-bred people speak. But most men of talent who devoted themselves to written composition for the satisfaction of their own minds, or for the instruction of their contemporaries, created for themselves a new style, such as was naturally developed in them by reading the earlier authors, and through their own relations to their readers and not hearers. Livy clung to the language, style, and the full-sounding period of the oratorical style, though even he in many points deviated from the natural refinement of a Caesar and a Cicero; but Sallust gave up the oratorical period, divided the long-spun, full-sounding, and well-finished oratorical sentence into several short sentences; and in this manner he seemed to go back to the ancients, who had not yet invented the period: but still there was a great difference between his style, in which the ancient simplicity was artificially restored, and the genuine ancient sentence formed without any rhetorical art. He wrote without periods, because he would not write otherwise, and not because he could not; he divided the rhetorical period into separate sentences, because it appeared to him advantageous in his animated description of minute details; and he wrote concisely, because he did not want the things to fill up his sentences which the orator requires to give roundness and fulness to his periods. He states in isolated independent sentences those ideas and thoughts which the orator distributes among leading and subordinate sentences; but he did all this consciously, as an artist, and with the conviction that it was conducive to historical animation. Tacitus was his imitator in this artificial historical style; and notwithstanding all his well-deserved praise, it must he admitted that the blame cast upon Sallust attaches in a still higher degree to Tacitus. It is a fact beyond all doubt, that Sallust introduced into the language of literature antiquated forms, words, and expressions; and this arose from a desire to recall with the ancient language also the ancient vigour and simplicity. But even this revival of what was ancient is visible only here and there, and all such words and phrases might be exchanged for others and more customary ones, without depriving Sallust of his essential characteristics; for these consist in a vivid perception of the important moments of an action, in placing them in strong contrasts, to excite his readers, and in the effect produced by isolated sentences simply put in juxtaposition without the artifice of a polished and intricate period.

To give our young readers some preparatory information about certain frequently-recurring peculiarities of Sallust's style, we may remark that the omission of the personal pronoun in the construction of the accusative with the infinitive, as well as the omission of the auxiliary verb est, and the frequent use of the infinitive instead of a dependent clause—for example, hortatur dicere, res postulat exponere, conjuravere patriam incendere, and many similar expressions—arise from his desire to be brief and concise. Among his antiquated forms of words, we may mention die for diei, the singular plerusque, quis for quibus, senati for senatus; dicundi, legundi, &c. for dicendi, legendi; intellego for intelligo, forem for essem, fuere for fuerunt; the use of the past participles of deponent verbs in a passive sense—as adeptus, interpretatus. Antiquated words, or words used in an antiquated sense, are—supplicium for preces, scilicet for scire licet; antiquated expressions are—fugam facere for fugere, habere vitam for agere vitam, and other phrases with habere. The frequent use of mortales for homines, aevum for aetas, and subigere for cogere, gives to his style somewhat of a poetical colouring. As far as grammatical construction is concerned, there is a tendency to archaisms in the use of quippe qui with the indicative; in the frequent application of the indicative in subordinate sentences in the oratio obliqua; and in some other points which we shall explain in short notes to the passages where they occur. An intentional disturbance of rhetorical symmetry is perceptible in the change of corresponding particles;—for example, instead of alii in the expression alii-alii, we find pars or partim; instead of modo in the expression modo-modo, we find interdum, and similar variations. But all these differences from the ordinary language contain in themselves sufficient grounds of explanation and excuse, and are by no means so frequent as to render the language of Sallust unworthy of the merited reputation of being classical.

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C. SALLUSTII CRISPI

BELLUM CATILINARIUM.

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1. Omnes[1] homines, qui sese student[2] praestare ceteris animalibus, summa ope[3] niti decet, ne vitam silentio transeant veluti pecora, quae natura prona[4] atque ventri obedientia finxit. Sed nostra omnis vis in animo et corpore sita est; animi imperio, corporis servitio magis utimur; alterum nobis cum dis,[5] alterum cum beluis[6] commune est. Quo mihi rectius videtur ingenii quam virium opibus gloriam quaerere et, quoniam vita ipsa qua fruimur brevis est, memoriam nostri[7] quam maxime longam[8] efficere. Nam divitiarum et formae gloria fluxa atque fragilis est, virtus clara aeternaque habetur. Sed diu magnum inter mortales certamen fuit,[9] vine corporis an virtute animi res militaris magis procederet. Nam et prius quam incipias consulto, et ubi consulueris mature facto opus est.[10] Ita utrumque per se indigens, alterum alterius auxilio eget.

[1] Omnes. Other editions have omnis or omneis. The accusative plural of words of the third declension making their genitive plural in ium, varied in early Latin, sometimes ending in is, and sometimes in eis or es. This fluctuation, however, afterwards ceased; and even in the best age of the Latin language it became generally customary to make the accusative plural like the nominative in es. The same was the case with some other obsolete forms, as volt for vult, divorsus for diversus, quoique for cuique, maxumus for maximus, quom for quum, or cum, which are retained in many editions, but have been avoided in the present, in accordance with the orthography generally adopted during the best period of the Latin language. [2] Studeo, when the verb following has the same subject, may be construed in three ways—with the infinitive alone, as studeo praestare; with the accusative and infinitive, studeo me praestare, as in the present case; or with ut, as studeo ut praestem. [3] Summa ope, 'with the greatest exertion,' equivalent to summa opere, summopere; as magno opere, or magnopere, signifies 'with great exertion,' or 'greatly.' The nominative ops is not in use, and the plural opes generally signifies 'the means' or 'power of doing something.' [4] Prona, 'bent forward,' 'bent down to the ground,' in opposition to the erect gait of man. [5] Dis for diis. See Zumpt, S 51, n. 5. [6] Beluis; another, but less correct mode of spelling, is bellua, belluis. [7] Instead of memoriam nostri, Sallust might have said memoriam nostram; but the genitive nostri sets forth the object of remembrance with greater force. See Zumpt, S 423. [8] Quam maxime longam; that is, quam longissimam, 'lasting as long as possible.' Zumpt, S 108. [9] The author here makes a digression, to remove the objection that in war bodily strength is of greater importance than mental superiority. He admits that in the earlier times it may have been so, but maintains that in more recent times, when the art of war had become rather complicate, the superiority of mind has become manifest. Vine corporis an; that is, utrum vi corporis an. See Zumpt, S 554. [10] That is, 'before undertaking anything, reflect well; but when you have reflected, then carry your design into execution without delay.' The past participles consulta and facto here supply the place of verbal substantives.

2. Igitur[11] initio reges (nam in terris nomen imperii id primum fuit), diversi pars[12] ingenium, alii corpus exercebant; etiamtum vita hominum sine cupiditate agitabatur, sua cuique satis placebant. Postea vero quam[13] in Asia Cyrus, in Graecia Lacedaemonii et Athenienses coepere urbes atque nationes subigere; libidinem dominandi causam belli habere, maximam gloriam in maximo imperio putare, tum demum periculo atque negotiis compertum est in bello plurimum ingenium posse. Quodsi[14] regum atque imperatorum animi virtus[15] in pace ita ut in bello valeret, aequabilius atque constantius sese res humanae haberent, neque aliud alio[16] ferri, neque mutari ac misceri omnia cerneres. Nam imperium facile his artibus retinetur, quibus initio partum est. Verum ubi pro labore desidia, pro continentia et aequitate libido atque superbia invasere, fortuna simul cum moribus immutatur. Ita imperium semper ad optimum quemque[17] a minus bono transfertur. Quae homines arant, navigant, aedificant, virtuti omnia parent. Sed multi mortales dediti ventri atque somno, indocti incultique vitam sicuti peregrinantes transiere;[18] quibus profecto contra naturam corpus voluptati, anima oneri fuit. Eorum ego vitam mortemque juxta aestimo,[19] quoniam de utraque siletur. Verum enimvero[20] is demum mihi vivere atque frui anima videtur, qui aliquo negotio intentus[21] praeclari facinoris aut artis bonae famam quaerit. Sed in magna copia rerum aliud alii natura iter ostendit.

[11] Respecting the frequent position of igitur at the beginning of a sentence in Sallust, see Zumpt, S 357. [12] Pars, instead of alii, probably to avoid the repetition of alii, and to produce variety. [13] Postea vero quam, for postquam vero. The author means to say, that after the formation of great empires by extensive conquests, the truth became manifest that even in war mind was superior to mere bodily strength. He mentions Cyrus, king of Persia, the Lacedaemonians and Athenians, because the earlier empires of the Egyptians and Assyrians did not yet belong to accredited history. [14] Sallust here introduces, by quodsi (and if, or yes, if), an illustration connected with the preceding remarks. Respecting this connecting power of quodsi, as distinguished from the simple si, see Zumpt, S 807. This illustration, which ends with the word transfertur, was suggested to Sallust especially by the consideration of the recent disturbances in the Roman republic under Pompey, Caesar, and Mark Antony, three men who, in times of peace, saw their glory, previously acquired in war, fade away. [15] Animi virtus; these two words are here united to express a single idea, 'mental greatness.' [16] Aliud alio ferri, 'that one thing is drawn in one direction, and the other in another.' For aliud alio, see Zumpt, S 714; and for cerneres, in which the second person singular of the subjunctive answers to the English 'you' when not referring to any definite person, S 381. [17] Optimum quemque, 'to every one in proportion as he is better than others.' Respecting this relative meaning of quisque, see Zumpt, S 710. 'Every one,' absolutely, is unusqisque, and adjectively omnis. [18] 'They have passed through life like strangers or travellers;' that is, as if they had no concern with their own life, although it is clear that human life is of value only when men are conscious of themselves, and exert themselves to cultivate their mental powers, and apply them to practical purposes. [19] 'I set an equal value upon their life and their death;' that is, an equally low value, juxta being equivalent to aeque or pariter. [20] Verum enimvero; these conjunctions are intended strongly to draw the attention of the reader to the conclusion from a preceding argument. [21] 'Intent upon some occupation.' Intentus is commonly construed with the dative, or the preposition in or ad with the accusative; but as a person may be intent upon something, so he also may be intent by, or in consequence of, something, so that the ablative is perfectly consistent.

3. Pulcrum est bene facere rei publicae; etiam bene dicere haud absurdum est;[22] vel pace vel bello clarum fieri licet; et qui fecere et qui facta aliorum scripsere, multi laudantur. Ac mihi quidem,[23] tametsi haudquaquam par gloria sequitur scriptorem et actorem rerum, tamen in primis arduum videtur res gestas scribere; primum quod facta dictis exaequanda sunt, dehinc quia plerique, quae delicta reprehenderis, malivolentia et invidia dicta putant;[24] ubi de magna virtute atque gloria bonorum memores, quae sibi quisque facilia factu putat, aequo animo accipit, supra ea[25] veluti ficta pro falsis ducit.

Sed ego[26] adolescentulus initio sicuti plerique studio ad rem publicam latus sum, ibique mihi multa adversa fuere. Nam pro pudore, pro abstinentia, pro virtute, audacia, largitio, avaritia vigebant. Quae tametsi animus aspernabatur, insolens malarum artium,[27] tamen inter tanta vitia imbecilla aetas ambitione corrupta tenebatur[28]: ac me, quum ab reliquorum malis moribus dissentirem, nihilo minus honoris cupido eadem qua ceteros fama atque invidia vexabat.[29]

[22] Haud absurdum est, 'is not unbecoming;' that is, 'is worthy of man.' [23] Quidem here, like the Greek [Greek: men] in [Greek: emoi men], without a [Greek: de] following, introduces one opinion in contradistinction from others, though the latter are not mentioned, but merely suggested by quidem. 'I for my part think so, but what others think I do not know, or care.' [24] 'If you censure any things as faults or delinquencies, your censure is considered to have arisen from malevolence or ill-will.' [25] Supra ea, 'whatever is beyond: that;' that is, whatever is beyond the capacity of the reader. [26] The author now passes over to his own experience, telling us that after having devoted himself at first to the career of a public man, and finding that he was not understood, and ill-used by his opponents, he formed the determination to give himself up to a literary life. [27] Insolens malarum artium, 'unacquainted with base artifices or intrigues;' for artes may be malae as well as bonae, according as they consist in the skill of doing bad or good things. [28] Imbecilla aetas, 'my weak age;' that is, my mind, which had not yet arrived at mature independence,'was corrupted by ambition, and was kept under the influence of such bad circumstances.' Sallust means to say that if his mind had arrived at manly independence, he would have immediately withdrawn from the vicious atmosphere of public life. [29] My ambition caused me to be equally ill spoken of and envied, and thus to be dragged down to a level with the rest, and to be equally harassed and persecuted as they were.

4. Igitur ubi animus ex multis miseriis atque periculis requievit et mihi reliquam aetatem a re publica procul habendam decrevi, non fuit consilium socordia atque desidia bonum otium conterere;[30] neque vero agrum colendo aut venando, servilibus officiis,[31] intentum aetatem agere; sed a quo incepto studioque me ambitio mala detinuerat, eodem regressus statui res gestas populi Romani carptim,[32] ut quaeque memoria digna videbantur, perscribere; eo magis, quod mihi a spe, metu, partibus rei publicae animus liber erat. Igitur de Catilinae conjuratione quam verissime potero paucis absolvam:[33] nam id facinus in primis ego memorabile existimo sceleris atque periculi novitate. De cujus hominis moribus pauca prius explananda sunt, quam initium narrandi faciam.

[30] Conterere—that is, consumere, 'to waste my fair leisure.' [31] Sallust here calls agriculture and the chase occupations of men in a servile condition, although the majority of the ancients considered the former especially as the most honourable occupation of free citizens. But he seems to think that in comparison with the important business of writing the history of his country, agriculture and the chase are not suitable occupations for a man who has at one time taken an active part in political affairs. [32] Carptim, 'in detached parts.' [33] Paucis absolvam, 'I shall treat briefly,' or paucis pertractabo conjurationem Catilinae.

5. Lucius Catilina,[34] nobili genere natus, fuit magna vi et animi et corporis, sed ingenio malo pravoque. Huic abadolescentia bella intestina, caedes, rapinae, discordia civilis grata fuere, ibique juventutem suam exercuit. Corpus patiens[35] inediae, algoris, vigiliae, supra quam cuiquam credibile est. Animus audax, subdolus, varius, cujus rei libet[36] simulator ac dissimulator, alieni appetens, sui profusus, ardens in cupiditatibus; satis eloquentiae, sapientiae parum. Vastus animus immoderata, incredibilia, nimis alta semper cupiebat. Hunc post dominationem Lucii Sullae libido maxima invaserat rei publicae capiundae,[37] neque id quibus modis assequeretur, dum sibi regnum pararet, quidquam pensi habebat. Agitabatur magis magisque in dies animus ferox inopia rei familiaris et conscientia scelerum, quae utraque his artibus auxerat,[38] quas supra memoravi. Incitabant praeterea corrupti civitatis mores, quos pessima ac diversa inter se mala, luxuria atque avaritia, vexabant. Res ipsa hortari videtur, quoniam de moribus civitatis tempus admonuit, supra repetere[39] ac paucis instituta majorum domi militiaeque,[40] quomodo rem publicam habuerint quantamque reliquerint, ut paulatim immutata ex pulcherrima pessima ac flagitiosissima facta sit, disserere.

[34] Sallust begins with a general description of the character of Catiline. This talented person, though of a most wicked disposition, belonged to the patrician gens Sergia, which traced its descent to one of the companions of Aeneas. This is no doubt fabulous, but at any rate proves the high antiquity of the gens. The most renowned among the ancestors of Catiline was M. Sergius, a real model of bravery, who distinguished himself in the Gallic and second Punic wars, and after having lost his right hand in battle, wielded the sword with the left. As Catiline offered himself as a candidate for the consulship in B.C. 66, which no Roman was allowed to do by law before having attained the age of forty-three, we may fairly presume that he was born about B.C. 109, in the time of the Jugurthine war. Cicero was born in B.C. 106, and was consequently a few years younger than Catiline. [35] Patiens inediae. Respecting the genitive governed by this and similar participles—as soon after alieni appetens—see Zumpt, S 438. [36] Cujus rei libet; it is more common to say cujuslibet rei. Sometimes the relative pronouns compounded with cunque and libet are separated by the insertion of some other word or words between them, which in grammatical language is called a tmesis—as quod enim cunque judicium subierat, absolvebatur; quem sors dierum cunque tibi dederit, lucre appone, 'whatever day chance may give thee, consider it as a gain.' [37] Capiundae. Respecting the e or u in such gerunds and gerandives, see Zumpt, S 167. [38] Auxerat. He had increased both by the above-mentioned qualities—namely, his poverty by extravagance, and the consciousness of guilt by the crimes he committed. The neuter plural quae, referring to two feminine substantives denoting abstract ideas, is not very common, though quite justifiable. Zumpt, S 377. [39] Respecting the infinitive after hortari, instead of the more common use of the conjunction ut, see Zumpt, S 615. [40] Domi militiaeque, 'in times of peace and in war.'

6. Urbem Romam,[41] sicuti ego accepi, condidere atque habuere initio Trojani, qui Aenea duce profugi sedibus incertis vagabantur, cumque his Aborigines,[42] genus hominum agreste, sine legibus, sine imperio, liberum atque solutum. Hi postquam in una[43] moenia convenere, dispari genere, dissimili lingua, alius alio more viventes, incredibile memoratu est quam facile coaluerint.[44] Sed postquam res eorum civibus, moribus, agris aucta, satia prospera satisque pollens videbatur, sicuti pleraque mortalium habentur, invidia ex opulentia orta est. Igitur reges populique finitimi bello temptare,[45] pauci ex amicis auxilio esse; nam ceteri metu perculsi a periculis aberant. At Romani domi militiaeque intenti festinare, parare, alius alium hortari, hostibus obviam ire, libertatem, patriam parentesque armis tegere. Post, ubi pericula virtute propulerant, sociis atque amicis auxilia portabant,[46] magisque dandis quam accipiundis beneficiis amicitias parabant. Imperium legitimum, nomen imperii regium habebant;[47] delecti, quibus corpus annis infirmum, ingenium sapientia validum erat, rei publicae consultabant;[48] hi vel aetate vel curae similitudine patres appellabantur. Post, ubi regium imperium, quod initio conservandae libertatis atque augendae rei publicae[49] fuerat, in superbiam dominationemque convertit[50] immutato more annua imperia binosque imperatores[51] sibi fecere; eo modo minime posse putabant per licentiam insolescere animum humanum.

[41] In the following eight chapters (6-13) Sallust describes the transition from the stern manners, the warlike energy, and domestic peace of the ancient Romans, to the corruption prevalent in the time of Catiline, and which consisted chiefly in extravagance, avarice, oppression, and the love of dominion. His description is a striking picture of the early virtuous character of the Romans, and their subsequent indulgence in vice. He traces all the corruption of his time to the immense wealth accumulated at Rome, after she had acquired the dominion over the world—that is, after the destruction of Carthage and Corinth; and he marks out in particular Sulla as the man who had fostered the very worst qualities in order to obtain supreme power for himself. [42] According to the current tradition, the people of the Latins had been formed by a union of the Trojan emigrants with the native Aborigines. Their capital was Alba Longa, and they lived about Alba, on and near the Alban Mount, in a great number of confederate townships. Four centuries after the arrival of Aeneas, the city of Rome was founded by Albans on the extreme frontier of the Latin territory, and near the hostile tribes by which it was surrounded. Sallust passes over the intermediate stages, either because he, like others, thought Rome much more ancient, or because, having to do only with the description of manners, he was unconcerned about historical developments. [43] Una is the plural. See Zumpt, S 115, note. [44] It is indeed wonderful how quickly the Roman people, although consisting of a mixture of different tribes—whether, as Sallust briefly intimates, they were Trojans and Aborigines, or, as the more minute historians relate, Latins, Sabines, and Etruscans—united into one nationality. The language spoken by the Roman people, however, was not a mixture of those of the last-mentioned tribes, but Latin, which, in conformity with Sallust's notion, appears to be a combination of Greek with some early Italian idiom. [45] Temptare, the historical infinitive, about the meaning and construction of which see Zumpt, S 599, note. [46] Auxilia portare is a less common expression than auxilium ferre; for portare is generally used only to denote the actual physical carrying of something, while ferre has a wider meaning. The plural auxilia, however, here alludes to the repeated assistance given to friends. [47] 'Their government was a legitimate one'—that is, the powers of the government were limited by law; 'and bore the name of a kingly government'—that is, a king stood at the head of it. [48] Chosen men had the care of public affairs, and deliberated about the good of the state; they stood by the side of the kings as a consilium publicum, and were addressed by the term patres. [49] Respecting the meaning of these genitives, for which datives also might have been used, see Zumpt, S 662. [50] Ubi—convertit, 'when it had changed (itself).' For ubi with the perfect in the sense of a pluperfect, see Zumpt, S 506; and for the use of vertere in an intransitive or reflective sense, S 145. [51] In the earliest times they were called praetores or leaders, qui praeeunt exercitui; afterwards consules. As two were elected every year, Sallust uses bini, and not duo.

7. Sed ea tempestate coepere se quisque magis extollere magisque ingenium in promptu habere.[52] Nam regibus boni quam mali suspectiores sunt, semperque his aliena virtus formidolosa est. Sed civitas incredibile memoratu est adepta[53] libertate quantum brevi[54] creverit; tanta cupido gloriae incesserat.[55] Jam primum juventus, simul ac belli patiens erat, in castris per laborem usu militiam discebat, magisque in decoris armis et militaribus equis quam in scortis atque conviviis libidinem habebant.[56] Igitur talibus viris non labos[57] insolitus, non locus ullus asper aut arduus erat, non armatus hostis formidolosus; virtus omnia domuerat. Sed gloriae maximum certamen inter ipsos erat: sic se quisque hostem ferire, murum ascendere, conspici, dum tale facinus faceret, properabat; eas[58] divitias, eam bonam famam magnamque nobilitatem putabant; laudis avidi, pecuniae liberales erant; gloriam ingentem, divitias honestas volebant. Memorare possem, quibus in locis maximas hostium copias populus Romanus parva manu fuderit, quas urbes natura munitas pugnando ceperit, ni ea res longius nos ab incepto traheret.

[52] In promptu habere, 'to have in readiness,' and also 'to bring into action,' or 'to make use of.' Sallust means to say, that in consequence of the introduction of annual magistrates, every one increased his efforts to distinguish himself, and to make his talents shine. [53] Adepta is here used in a passive sense, contrary to the usage of the best authors, in accordance with which he might have said adepta libertatem. [54] Brevi, 'in a short time.' [55] Incesserat; supply in eos or iis, referring to cives, implied in the preceding civitas. [56] Habebant should have been habebat, since discebat precedes. But see Zumpt, S 366. [57] Labos, a rarer form for labor, as honos and lepos, which are even more frequently found than honor and lepor. [58] Eas agrees with divitias, though in English we say, in such cases, 'This,' or 'these things they considered as riches.' See Zumpt, S 372.

8. Sed profecto fortuna in omni re dominatur; ea res cunctas ex libidine magis quam ex vero celebrat obscuratque. Atheniensium res gestae, sicuti ego aestimo, satis amplae magnificaeque fuere, verum aliquanto[59] minores tamen quam fama feruntur. Sed quia provenere ibi scriptorum magna ingenia, per terrarum orbem Atheniensium facta pro maximis[60] celebrantur. Ita eorum, qui ea fecere, virtus tanta habetur, quantum ea verbis potuere extollere praeclara ingenia. At populo Romano nunquam ea copia fuit, quia prudentissimus quisque maxime negotiosus erat;[61] ingenium nemo sine corpore exercebat; optimus quisque facere quam dicere, sua ab aliis bene facta laudari quam ipse aliorum narrare malebat.

[59] Aliquanto, 'by a considerable amount,' or simply 'considerably,' is the ablative, expressing the amount of difference between two things compared. Sallust here considers it to be a mere matter of chance that the wars of the early Romans, as those against the Volscians, Aequians, Etruscans, and Samnites, do not stand forth in history as glorious as the wars of the Greek nations among themselves, and against the Persians. To us it appears that this was not a matter of chance; but it undoubtedly arose from the fact, that the Greeks even then had already attained a higher degree of civilisation. The interest which history takes in wars does not depend upon the vastness of the armies or the extent of countries, but upon the lower or higher degree of civilisation of those engaged in the wars. [60] Pro maximis, 'they are celebrated as if they were the greatest.' Respecting this meaning of pro, see Zumpt, S 394, note 3. [61] 'The more intelligent any one was, the more business was intrusted to him,' so that he had no leisure (otium) to devote to literary composition. This at least is Sallust's opinion; but when a man feels it to be his vocation to write history, he can find time for it, however much he may be otherwise engaged—witness J. Caesar and Frederick II. of Prussia. For the construction, see Zumpt, S 710. C.

9. Igitur domi militiaeque boni mores colebantur, concordia maxima, minima avaritia erat, jus bonumque apud eos non legibus magis quam natura[62] valebat. Jurgia, discordias, simultates cum hostibus exercebant, cives cum civibus de virtute certabant; in suppliciis[63] deorum magnifici, domi parci, in amicos fideles erant. Duabus his artibus, audacia in bello, ubi pax evenerat, aequitate seque[64] remque publicam curabant. Quarum rerum ego maxima documenta haec habeo, quod in bello saepius vindicatum est in eos, qui contra imperium in hostem pugnaverant, quique tardius revocati proelio excesserant, quam qui signa relinquere aut pulsi loco cedere ausi erant; in pace vero, quod beneficiis quam[65] metu imperium agitabant, et accepta injuria[66] ignoscere quam persequi malebant.

[62] 'Not more by law than by nature;' that is, 'by nature as well as by law.' [63] In suppliciis, 'in the worship of the gods;' for as it was customary, in worshipping, to fall down, the word supplicium has this religious meaning, which also appears in supplicatio. The other and more common meaning of 'execution,' 'capital punishment,' or 'severe chastisement,' likewise originates in the prostration of the person so punished. [64] Seque remque is an unusual expression for et se et rem. [65] Quam; before this word we must supply magis, 'they carried on the government more with acts of kindness than with fear.' This ellipsis before quam is not uncommon. [66] When they had suffered a wrong, they would rather pardon it than take revenge.' To persequi we must supply eam from the preceding ablative.

10. Sed ubi labore atque justitia res publica crevit, reges magni bello domiti, nationes ferae et populi ingentes vi subacti, Carthago, aemula imperii Romani, ab stirpe interiit, cuncta maria terraeque patebant, saevire fortuna ac miscere omnia coepit. Qui labores, pericula, dubias atque asperas res facile toleraverant, his otium, divitiae optandae aliis oneri miseriaeque fuere. Igitur primo pecuniae, deinde imperii cupido crevit; ea quasi materies omnium malorum fuere. Namque avaritia fidem, probitatem ceterasque artes bonas subvertit; pro his superbiam, crudelitatem, deos negligere, omnia venalia habere edocuit. Ambitio multos mortales falsos fieri subegit, aliud clausum in pectore, aliud in lingua promptum habere, amicitias inimicitiasque non ex re, sed ex commodo aestimare, magisque vultum quam ingenium bonum habere. Haec primo paulatim crescere, interdum vindicari; post, ubi contagio quasi pestilentia invasit, civitas immutata, imperium ex justissimo atque optimo crudele intolerandumque factum.

11. Sed primo magis ambitio quam avaritia animos hominum exercebat, quod tamen vitium propius virtutem[67] erat. Nam gloriam, honorem, imperium bonus et ignavus aeque sibi exoptant; sed ille vera via nititur, huic quia bonae artes desunt, dolis atque fallaciis contendit. Avaritia pecuniae studium habet, quam nemo sapiens concupivit;[68] ea quasi venenis malis imbuta corpus animumque virilem effeminat, semper infinita, insatiabilis est, neque copia neque inopia minuitur. Sed postquam L. Sulla, armis recepta re publica, bonis initiis malos eventus habuit,[69] rapere omnes, trahere, domum alius, alius agros cupere, neque modum neque modestiam victores habere, foeda crudeliaque in civibus[70] facinora facere. Huc accedebat, quod L. Sulla exercitum, quem in Asia ductaverat, quo sibi fidum faceret,[71] contra morem majorum luxuriose nimisque liberaliter habuerat; loca amoena, voluptaria[72] facile in otio feroces militum animos molliverant. Ibi primum insuevit exercitus populi Romani amare,[73] potare, signa, tabulas pictas, vasa caelata[74] mirari, ea privatim et publice rapere, delubra[75] spoliare, sacra profanaque omnia polluere. Igitur hi milites, postquam victoriam adepti sunt, nihil reliqui victis fecere. Quippe secundae res sapientium animos fatigant; ne illi corruptis moribus victoriae temperarent.[76]

[67] Propius virtutem, also propius virtuti. See Zumpt, S 411. [68] Concupivit, 'No man in his senses has ever coveted money for its own sake;' that is, and even now no one does so, nor will any one ever do so. But a homo avarus covets money only that he may have it, and not for any ulterior objects. [69] Bonis initiis is the ablative absolute, 'though his beginnings were good.' Although Sulla's government began well, it became arbitrary and bad, especially by the unlimited partiality with which he treated the men of his own party. [70] In civibus. It would have been more in accordance with the common usage to write in cives; but the ablative signifies 'in the case of citizens.' [71] 'In order thereby to render him faithful or attached to himself,' quo being equivalent to ut eo or ut ea re. [72] Namely, the charming and delightful places in Asia Minor, near the sea-coast, under a mild climate, abounding in all the means calculated to afford pleasure and delight. [73] Amare, 'to indulge in illicit intercourse with the other sex:' amare is often used to denote an immoral intercourse between the sexes. [74] Vasa caelata, vessels adorned with figures, and wrought with the caelum, the chisel. Caelare and caelatura denote the art of making raised figures in metal, alto relievo. [75] Delubra, 'temples of the gods.' Sallust has chosen this word in preference to the common templa or aedes, because it conveys the idea of antiquity, sanctity, and mysterious seclusion, which is also contained in the word fanum. [76] Ne illi—temperament 'not to speak of their using their victory with moderation;' that is, they were far from using their victory with moderation. Ne is here used in the sense of nedum.

12. Postquam divitiae honori esse coepere et eas gloria, imperium, potentia sequebatur, hebescere virtus, paupertas probro haberi, innocentia pro malivolentia[77] duci coepit. Igitur ex divitiis juventutem luxuria atque avaritia cum superbia invasere; rapere, consumere, sua parvi pendere, aliena cupere, pudorem, pudicitiam, divina atque humana promiscua, nihil pensi neque moderati habere. Operae pretium est,[78] quum domos atque villas cognoveris in urbium modum exaedificatas, visere templa deorum, quae nostri majores, religiosissimi mortales, fecere. Verum illi delubra deorum pietate, domos suas gloria decorabant, neque victis quidquam praeter injuriae licentiam eripiebant.[79] At hi contra ignavissimi homines per summum scelus omnia ea sociis adimere, quae fortissimi viri victores reliquerant; proinde quasi injuriam facere id demum esset imperio uti.

[77] 'Honest conduct was regarded as malevolence or envy,' inasmuch as an honest and incorruptible man was not praised for these virtues, but rather drew upon himself the suspicion of envying others for their increasing their possessions, and of wishing to prevent them from becoming rich by the base means which in their greediness they considered to be fair. [78] Operae pretium est, 'it is worth while (properly "the labour has its reward") to compare the extensive country-houses of our present aristocracy with the small temples of the gods erected by our ancestors, notwithstanding their intense piety.' [79] This is the same precept as that advanced by Cicero, that in punishing an enemy, we should be satisfied if we have placed him in a position in which he can no longer injure us.

13. Nam quid ea memorem, quae nisi his qui videre nemini credibilia sunt, a privatis compluribus subversos montes, maria constructa[80] esse. Quibus mihi videntur ludibrio fuisse divitiae; quippe quas honeste habere licebat, abuti per turpitudinem properabant. Sed libido stupri, ganeae ceterique cultus[81] non minor incesserat; viri muliebria pati, mulieres pudicitiam in propatulo habere; vescendi causa terra marique omnia exquirere, dormire prius quam somni cupido esset, non famem aut sitim neque frigus neque lassitudinem opperiri, sed ea omnia luxu antecapere. Haec juventutem, ubi familiares opes defecerant, ad facinora incendebant. Animus imbutus malis artibus haud facile libidinibus carebat; eo profusius omnibus modis quaestui atque sumptui[82] deditus erat.

[80] 'Mountains are levelled, and seas are produced artificially.' In the latter expression, Sallust, as in chap. 20 (maria extruuntur), alludes to the formation of immense basins in the interior of the country, into which the water was conducted from the sea, for the purpose of keeping in them sea-fish and oysters. In this kind of luxury and extravagance all the earlier Roman grandees were eclipsed by L. Lucullus, who had amassed immense wealth in the war against Mithridates. He possessed a very extensive piscina of this kind near the coast of Campania, in the neighbourhood of Baiae. [81] Cultus comprises the whole domestic arrangement, and especially includes costly furniture and dresses. [82] 'To the acquisition and to the squandering of money;' for, as we stated before, it was peculiar to the corruption prevalent among the Romans that they squandered their own property, and appropriated to themselves, by violent means, that which belonged to others.

14. In tanta tamque corrupta civitate Catilina, id quod factu facillimum erat, omnium flagitiorum atque facinorum circum se tamquam stipatorum catervas habebat.[83] Nam quicunque impudicus, adulter, ganeo manu,[84] ventre, pene bona patria laceraverat, quique alienum aes grande conflaverat, quo flagitium aut facinus redimeret, praeterea omnes undique parricidae, sacrilegi, convicti judiciis aut pro factis judicium timentes, ad hoc quos manus atque lingua perjurio aut sanguine civili alebat, postremo omnes, quos flagitium, egestas, conscius animus exagitabat: hi Catilinae proximi familiaresque erant. Quodsi quis etiam a culpa vacuus in amicitiam ejus inciderat, cotidiano usu atque illecebris facile par similisque ceteris efficiebatur. Sed maxime adolescentium familiaritates appetebat; eorum animi molles et aetate fluxi dolis haud difficulter[85] capiebantur. Nam ut cujusque studium ex aetate[86] flagrabat, aliis scorta praebere, aliis canes atque equos mercari, postremo neque sumptui neque modestiae suae parcere, dum[87] illos obnoxios fidosque sibi faceret. Scio fuisse nonnullos qui ita existimarent, juventutem, quae domum Catilinae frequentabat, parum honeste pudicitiam habuisse; sed ex aliis rebus magis quam quod cuiquam id compertum foret, haec fama valebat.

[83] The author, after having given a description of the state of morality in the time of Sulla, now proceeds to the life of Catiline himself, and in the following two chapters, describes the associates in whom that criminal placed his confidence, and with whose help he hoped to overturn the constitution. Flagitia and facinora in this passage have the meaning of homines flagitiosi, and facinorosi. [84] Manu, 'by playing at dice' (alea), because that game was played with the hand, either with or without the cup containing the dice (fritillus). [85] Difficulter. See Zumpt, S 267, note 2. [86] 'In accordance with his (still) youthful age.' Zumpt, S 309. [87] Dum for dummodo, 'if but.'

15. Jam primum adolescens Catilina multa nefanda stupra fecerat, cum virgine nobili, cum sacerdote Vestae, alia hujuscemodi contra jus fasque. Postremo captus amore Aureliae Orestillae cujus praeter formam nihil unquam bonus laudavit, quod ea nubere illi dubitabat, timens privignum adulta aetate, pro certo creditur necato filio vacuam domum scelestis nuptiis fecisse.[88] Quae quidem res mihi in primis videtur causa fuisse facinoris maturandi. Namque animus impurus, dis hominibusque infestus, neque vigiliis neque quietibus sedari poterat; ita conscientia mentem excitam vastabat.[89] Igitur color exsanguis, foedi oculi, citus modo, modo tardus incessus; prorsus in facie vultuque vecordia inerat.

[88] Catiline then had a son from a previous marriage, whom he got rid of because Orestilla would not become his wife, from fear of the young man, who was already grown up, and who would have become her stepson (privignus). [89] 'The consciousness of his guilt disturbed his thinking powers,' for this is the meaning of mens as distinct from animus, which has reference to the feelings.

16. Sed juventutem, quam, ut supra diximus, illexerat, multis modis mala facinora edocebat. Ex illis testes signatoresque falsos commodare; fidem, fortunas, pericula vilia habere, post, ubi eorum famam atque pudorem attriverat, majora alia imperabat; si causa peccandi in praesens minus suppetebat, nihilo minus insontes sicuti sontes circumvenire, jugulare; scilicet, ne per otium torpescerent manus aut animus, gratuito[90] potius malus atque crudelis erat.

His amicis sociisque confisus Catilina, simul quod aes alienum per omnes terras ingens erat, et quod plerique Sullani milites,[91] largius suo usi, rapinarum et victoriae veteris memores civile bellum exoptabant, opprimundae rei publicae consilium cepit. In Italia nullus exercitus; Gn.[92] Pompeius in extremis terris bellum gerebat; ipsi consulatum petenti magna spes; senatus nihil sane intentus;[93] tutae tranquillaeque res omnes: sed ea prorsus opportuna Catilinae.

[90] Gratuito, 'gratuitously,' 'without any advantage.' Respecting the form of this adverb, see Zumpt, S 266. [91] Sulla had given settlements to the legions with which he had gained the victory over the Marian party in the territory of those towns which had longest remained faithful to his adversaries; and it was more especially in Etruria that this measure had brought about a complete change of the owners of the soil. But the new landowners had acted very recklessly on their new estates, and therefore were inclined to favour any fresh revolutionary attempt which seemed to promise an equally favourable result. [92] Gn. Pompeius. Respecting the orthography of the prenomen Gneius, see Zumpt, S 4. Pompey was then engaged in the war against Mithridates, king of Pontus, and Tigranes, king of Armenia; and in consequence of this war, the extensive country of Syria, which had before been an independent kingdom, became a Roman province. [93] Nihil sane intentus, 'in no way attentive.' For the difference between nihil and non, see Zumpt, S 677.

17. Igitur, circiter Kalendas Junias, L. Caesare et G. Figulo consulibus,[94] primo singulos appellare, hortari alios, alios temptare; opes suas, imparatam rem publicam, magna praemia conjurationis docere. Ubi satis explorata sunt quae voluit, in unum omnes convocat, quibus maxima necessitudo[95] et plurimum audaciae inerat. Eo convenere senatorii ordinis P. Lentulus Sura, P. Autronius, L. Cassius Longinus, G. Cethegus, P. et Servius Sullae, Servii filii, L. Vargunteius, Q. Annius, M. Porcius Laeca, L. Bestia, Q. Curius; praeterea ex equestri ordine M. Fulvius Nobilior, L. Statilius, P. Gabinius Capito, G. Cornelius; ad hoc multi ex coloniis et municipiis, domi nobiles. Erant praeterea complures[96] paulo occultius concilii hujusce participes nobiles, quos magis dominationis spes hortabatur quam inopia aut aliqua necessitudo. Ceterum juventus pleraque,[97] sed maxime nobilium, Catilinae inceptis favebat; quibus in otio vel magnifice vel molliter vivere copia erat, incerta pro certis, bellum quam pacem malebant. Fuere item ea tempestate[98] qui crederent M. Licinium Crassum[99] non ignarum ejus consilii fuisse; quia Gn. Pompeius invisus ipsi magnum exercitum ductabat, cujusvis opes voluisse contra illius potentiam crescere, simul confisum, si conjuratio valuisset, facile apud illos principem se fore.

[94] That is, in the year B.C. 64, or 690 after the building of the city. [95] Necessitudo, 'a close connection' or 'friendship' is commonly distinguished from necessitas, 'necessity,' or 'a compulsory circumstance;' but the two words are often confounded with each other, as here, and subsequently in this chapter, necessitudo is used in the sense of necessitas. [96] For the difference between plures and complures, see Zumpt, S 65. [97] Juventus pleraque, 'most young men.' Commonly the plural plerique only is used; but see Zumpt, S 103. [98] Ea tempestate, an old-fashioned expression, such as Sallust is fond of, for eo tempore; for in ordinary Latinity, tempestas is used only in the sense of 'storm' or 'tempest.' [99] M. Licinius Crassus had been consul several years before (B.C. 70), together with Cn. Pompey, and enjoyed considerable popularity both on account of his former practical usefulness in the state, and on account of his colossal wealth, which he used with proper discretion.

18. Sed antea[100] item conjuravere pauci contra rem publicam, in quibus Catilina fuit; de qua[101] quam verissime potero, dicam. L. Tullo et M. Lepido consulibus,[102] P. Autronius et P. Sulla designati consules, legibus ambitus interrogati[103] poenas dederant. Post paulo[104] Catilina, pecuniarum repetundarum reus,[105] prohibitus erat consulatum petere, quod intra legitimos dies profiteri[106] nequiverat. Erat eodem tempore Gn. Piso, adolescens nobilis, summae audaciae, egens, factiosus, quem ad perturbandam rem publicam inopia atque mali mores stimulabant. Cum hoc Catilina et Autronius circiter Nonas Decembres consilio communicato parabant in Capitolio Kalendis Januariis L. Cottam et L. Torquatum consules[107] interficere, ipsi fascibus correptis Pisonem cum exercitu ad obtinendas duas Hispanias[108] mittere. Ea re cognita, rursus in Nonas Februarias consilium caedis transtulerant. Jam tum non consulibus modo, sed plerisque senatoribus perniciem machinabantur. Quodni[109] Catilina maturasset pro curia signum sociis dare, eo die post conditam urbem Romam pessimum facinus patratum foret. Quia nondum frequentes armati convenerant, ea res consilium diremit.

[100] Antea. Sallust, who has commenced speaking of the conspiracy entered into in the year B. C. 64, considers it necessary, before relating its progress, to go back to an earlier conspiracy, which failed, and in which Catiline had likewise taken an active part. This earlier conspiracy the author relates in chaps. 19 and 20. [101] Qua; supply conjuratione, which is to be taken from the verb conjuravere. This is an irregularity arising from the desire to be brief and concise. [102] That is, in the year B. C. 66, or 688 after the building of the city. [103] Interrogati—that is, accusati, 'taken to account by accusers,' because the beginning of all such accusations consisted in the accused being asked whether they owned having done this or that thing forbidden by law. [104] Post paulo is less common than paulo post. [105] Repetundarum reus, 'accused of extortion.' Res repetundae, in legal phraseology, signifies the things or money which had been illegally taken by public officers from those subject to their authority; for such citizens or subjects had a right, after the expiration of the official year of their ruler, to reclaim (repetere) their property in a court of law. Those officers who were found guilty had, in addition, to pay a fine, or were otherwise punished. A person who stood accused of extortion was not allowed to come forward as a candidate for any other office before he was tried and acquitted. [106] Profiteri, 'to announce one's self' as a candidate for an office. [107] These are the consuls of the year B. C. 65, who had obtained their office after the condemnation of the above-mentioned P. Sulla (a nephew of the dictator) and P. Autronius. [108] Hispanias. Ancient Spain was, for administrative purposes, divided into two provinces—Hispania Tarraconensis, or provincia citerior, with Tarraco (the modern Tarragona) for its capital; and Hispania Baetica, or ulterior, deriving its name from the river Baitis (the modern Guadalquiver). Its chief towns were Corduba and Hispalis (now Seville). [109] About the force of quod, when joined to conjunctions, see Zumpt, S 807. Compare p.14, note 6 [note 14].

19. Postea Piso in citeriorem Hispaniam quaestor pro praetore[110] missus est, adnitente Crasso, quod eum infestum inimicum Gn. Pompeio cognoverat. Neque tamen senatus provinciam invitus dederat; quippe foedum hominem a re publica procul esse volebat; simul quia boni complures praesidium in eo putabant, et jam tum potentia Pompeii formidolosa erat. Sed is Piso in provincia ab equitibus Hispanis, quos in exercitu ductabat, iter faciens occisus est. Sunt qui ita dicunt,[111] imperia ejus injusta, superba, crudelia barbaros nequivisse pati; alii autem equites illos Gn. Pompeii veteres fidosque clientes voluntate ejus Pisonem aggressos; numquam Hispanos praeterea tale facinus fecisse, sed imperia saeva multa ante perpessos. Nos eam rem in medio relinquemus. De superiore conjuratione satis dictum.

[110] That is, he was only quaestor, but had the powers of a praetor, being commissioned to supply the place of a praetor. [111] Respecting the indicative dicunt, see Zumpt, S 563.

20. Catilina,[112] ubi eos, quos paulo ante memoravi, convenisse videt, tametsi cum singulis multa saepe egerat, tamen in rem fore credens universos appellare et cohortari, in abditam partem aedium secedit, atque ibi, omnibus arbitris procul amotis, orationem hujuscemodi habuit. 'Ni virtus fidesque vestra spectata mihi forent, nequidquam opportuna res cecidisset; spes magna, dominatio in manibus frustra fuissent. Neque ego per ignaviam[113] aut vana ingenia incerta pro certis captarem. Sed quia multis et magnis tempestatibus vos cognovi fortes fidosque mihi, eo animus ausus est maximum atque pulcherrimum facinus incipere, simul quia vobis eadem quae mihi bona malaque esse intellexi; nam idem velle atque idem nolle, ea demum firma amicitia est. Sed ego quae mente agitavi omnes jam antea diversi[114] audistis. Ceterum mihi in dies magis animus accenditur, quum considero, quae condicio vitae futura sit, nisi nosmet ipsi vindicamus in libertatem. Nam postquam res publica in paucorum potentium jus atque dicionem concessit, semper illis reges, tetrarchae[115] vectigales esse, populi, nationes stipendia pendere; ceteri omnes, strenui, boni, nobiles atque ignobiles vulgus fuimus sine gratia, sine auctoritate, iis obnoxii, quibus, si res publica valeret, formidini essemus. Itaque omnis gratia, potentia, honos, divitiae apud illos sunt, aut ubi illi volunt; nobis reliquere pericula repulsas, judicia, egestatem. Quae quousque tandem patiemini fortissimi viri? Nonne emori per virtutem praestat quam vitam miseram atque inhonestam, ubi alienae superbiae ludibrio fueris, per dedecus amittere? Verum enimvero pro deum atque hominum fidem[116] victoria in manu nobis est, viget aetas, animus valet; contra illis annis atque divitiis omnia consenuerunt. Tantummodo incepto opus est; cetera res expediet. Etenim quis mortalium cui virile ingenium est, tolerare potest, illis divitias superare,[117] quas profundant in extruendo mari et montibus coaequandis, nobis rem familiarem etiam ad necessaria deesse? illos binas aut amplius domos continuare, nobis larem familiarem[118] nusquam ullum esse? Quum tabulas, signa, toreumata[119] emunt, nova diruunt, alia aedificant, postremo omnibus modis pecuniam trahunt, vexant, tamen summa libidine divitias vincere[120] nequeunt. At nobis est domi inopia, foris aes alienum, mala res, spes multo asperior; denique quid reliqui habemus praeter miseram animam? Quin[121] igitur expergiscimini? En[122] illa, illa, quam saepe optastis, libertas, praeterea divitiae, decus, gloria in oculis sita sunt. Fortuna omnia ea victoribus praemia posuit. Res, tempus, pericula, egestas, belli spolia magnifica magis quam oratio mea vos hortentur. Vel imperatore vel milite me utimini; neque animus neque corpus a vobis aberit. Haec ipsa, ut spero, vobiscum una consul agam, nisi forte me animus fallit, et vos servire magis quam imperare parati estis.'

[112] The author now continues his account of the conspiracy entered into in B.C. 64. [113] Per ignaviam, 'by means of cowardice,' here means, 'with the assistance of cowardly men,' 'such as you are not, since I have evidence of your valour and trustworthiness.' Vana ingenia are men of untrustworthy character. In both cases the abstract quality is mentioned instead of the person possessing it. [114] Diversi, 'separately;' that is, at different times, and in different places. [115] Tetrarcha is a title which properly belonged only to such princes as ruled over the fourth part of a whole nation. Such a division took place in Galatia, and afterwards also in Judaea. A similar title, ethnarcha, but that of king also, was sometimes granted to powerful princes; or, when they had had it before, the Roman senate sometimes allowed them to keep it. [116] Pro fidem, or proh fidem, is an exclamation, and pro an interjection. The accus. fidem is governed by some such verb as testor or invoco. See Zumpt, S 361. [117] Superare here has an intransitive meaning, 'to exist in abundance.' [118] Lar familiaris, a domestic or family divinity, whose image stood in the interior of the house, by the domestic altar; hence lar, or the plural lares, is sometimes used in the sense of 'a house,' or 'home.' [119] Toreumata are the vasa caelata mentioned in chap. 11; works in metal, especially silver, with raised figures. The instrument called by the Latins caelum, was called by the Greeks [Greek: toros], whence [Greek: toreuein, toreuma]. [120] 'They cannot master their wealth;' that is, they are not able to spend it. [121] Quin—that is, qui non or quo non? 'why not?' [122] En, as well as ecce, are most commonly construed with the accusative.

21. Postquam accepere ea homines, quibus mala abunde omnia erant, sed neque res neque spes bona ulla, tametsi illis quieta movere magna merces videbatur, tamen postulavere plerique, uti proponeret, quae condicio belli foret, quae praemia armis peterent, quid ubique opis aut spei haberent. Tum Catilina polliceri tabulas novas,[123] proscriptionem locupletium, magistratus, sacerdotia, rapinas, alia omnia, quae bellum atque libido victorum fert. Praeterea esse in Hispania citeriore Pisonem, in Mauretania cum exercitu P. Sittium Nucerinum, consilii sui participes; petere consulatum G. Antonium, quem sibi collegam fore speraret, hominem et familiarem et omnibus necessitudinibus circumventum; cum eo se consulem[124] initium agendi facturum. Ad hoc maledictis increpat omnes bonos, suorum unum quemque nominans laudare; admonebat alium egestatis, alium cupiditatis suae, complures periculi aut ignominiae,[125] multos victoriae Sullanae, quibus ea praedae fuerat. Postquam omnium animos alacres videt, cohortatus, ut petitionem suam curae haberent, conventum dimisit.

[123] Tabulae novae are literally 'new registers of debts;' that is, a change or reduction of debts, when, for example, the interest already paid was deducted from the principal, or when the amount of debts was reduced by one-half, or even by three-fourths. Such regulations of debts in favour of debtors were often resorted to in the revolutions of the ancient republics. [124] 'If he should be consul with him, he would begin to carry the matter into effect.' [125] Ignominia, 'disgrace' which a person incurs, either because he has been condemned in a court of law, or with which he has been branded by the censors.

22. Fuere ea tempestate qui dicerent, Catilinam, oratione habita, quum ad jusjurandum populares[126] sceleris sui adigeret, humani corporis sanguinem vino permixtum in pateris circumtulisse; inde quum post execrationem omnes degustavissent, sicuti in sollemnibus sacris fieri consuevit, aperuisse consilium suum, atque eo dictitare[127] fecisse, quo inter se magis fidi forent, alius alii tanti facinoris conscii. Nonnulli ficta et haec et multa praeterea existimabant ab iis, qui Ciceronis invidiam, quae postea orta est, leniri credebant atrocitate sceleris eorum, qui poenas dederant. Nobis ea res pro magnitudine parum comperta est.

[126] Popularis, properly 'a fellow-countryman,' or 'belonging to the same people;' but Sallust here, and in chapter 24, uses it in the more general sense of particeps, socius, 'associate.' [127] Dictitare, a contraction for dictitavere: 'it was frequently said that Catiline had done it for this reason.' This contraction has nothing that is offensive here, though in form it is the same as the present infinitive; for such an ambiguity of form is not always avoided, provided the context clearly shows what the meaning is. Dictitare contains a repetition of what is implied in fuere qui dicerent.

23. Sed in ea conjuratione fuit Q. Curius, natus haud obscuro loco, flagitiis atque facinoribus coopertus, quera censores senatu probri gratia moverant. Huic homini non minor vanitas inerat quam audacia; neque reticere, quae audierat, neque suamet[128] ipse scelera occultare, prorsus neque dicere neque facere quidquam pensi habebat. Erat ei cum Fulvia, muliere nobili, stupri[129] vetus consuetudo; cui quum minus gratus esset, quia inopia minus largiri poterat, repente glorians maria montesque polliceri coepit et minari interdum ferro, ni sibi obnoxia foret, postremo ferocius agitare[130] quam solitus erat. At Fulvia, insolentiae Curii causa cognita, tale periculum rei publicae haud occultum habuit, sed sublato auctore[131] de Catilinae conjuratione quae quoque modo audierat compluribus narravit. Ea res in primis studia hominum accendit ad consulatum mandandum M. Tullio Ciceroni. Namque antea pleraque nobilitas invidia aestuabat,[132] et quasi pollui consulatum credebant, si eum quamvis egregius homo novus[133] adeptus foret. Sed ubi periculum advenit, invidia atque superbia post fuere.[134]

[128] Met is a suffix which may be appended to all the cases of suus, and answers to our 'own.' It is usually followed by ipse. See Zumpt, S 139, note. [129] Stuprum is the name for every unchaste connexion with unmarried as well as with married women; but adulterium is the illicit intercourse with married women. [130] 'To behave more ferociously;' for agere and agitare, even without an accusative, signify 'to behave,' 'conduct one's self,' 'lead a life.' [131] Sublato auctore, 'without mentioning the one of whom she had learned it.' [132] 'The nobility was boiling with envy;' a figurative expression, taken from the boiling of water over the fire, which is frequently used to describe violent passions. So also incendi, ardere, flagrare cupiditate. [133] A homo novus was at Rome the name for any person, none of whose ancestors had been invested with a curule office; that is, with the consulship, praetorship, quaestorship, or curule aedileship. [134] Post fuere; that is, postposita sunt, 'were put on one side.'

24. Igitur comitiis habitis consules declarantur M. Tullius et G. Antonius, quod factum primo populares conjurationis concusserat.[135] Neque tamen Catilinae furor minuebatur, sed in dies plura agitare, arma per Italiam locis opportunis parare, pecuniam sua aut amicorum fide sumptam mutuam Faesulas[136] ad Manlium quendam portare,[137] qui postea princeps fuit belli faciundi. Ea tempestate plurimos cujusque generis homines adscivisse sibi dicitur, mulieres etiam aliquot, quae primo ingentes sumptus[138] stupro corporis toleraverant, post ubi aetas tantummodo quaestui neque luxuriae modum fecerat, aes alienum grande conflaverant. Per eas se Catilina credebat posse servitia urbana sollicitare, urbem incendere, viros earum vel adjungere sibi vel interficere.

[135] 'Which fact had at first intimidated the associates of the conspiracy.' The pluperfect here seems to be used for the perfect, but is necessary from the idea, which properly should have been expressed by some such sentence as this: 'which fact, although it had at first intimidated the conspirators, yet did not stop the progress of the conspiracy.' [136] Faesulae, now Fiesole, a town in the northern part of Etruria, not far from Florentia (Florence), which is now the largest town in that district, though it was not so in ancient times. [137] Portare, 'he caused money to be taken.' See Zumpt, S 713. [138] Sumptus tolerare, 'to bear the expenses,' implying the difficulty of defraying them.

25. Sed in his erat Sempronia, quae multa saepe virilis audaciae facinora commiserat. Haec mulier genere atque forma, praeterea viro, liberis satis fortunata fuit; litteris Graecis et Latinis docta, psallere, saltare elegantius, quam necesse est probae, multa alia, quae instrumenta luxuriae sunt. Sed ei cariora semper omnia quam decus atque pudicitia fuit; pecuniae an famae minus parceret, haud facile discerneres;[139] libidine sic accensa, ut saepius peteret viros quam peteretur. Sed ea saepe antehac fidem prodiderat, creditum abjuraverat, caedis conscia fuerat, luxuria atque inopia praeceps[140] abierat. Verum ingenium ejus haud absurdum; posse versus facere, jocum movere, sermone uti vel modesto vel molli vel procaci; prorsus multae facetiae multusque lepos inerat.

[139] Haud facile discerneres, 'it was not easy to determine whether she was less concerned about her money or her reputation,' since she was reckless in regard to both. Respecting the imperfect subjunctive, see Zumpt, S 528, note 2. [140] Praeceps is used of steep and precipitous places, and of persons who fall or throw themselves headlong down from or into anything. Hence Sempronia praeceps abierat is, 'she had thrown herself headlong into ruin,' which might also be expressed by in praeceps iverat.

26. His rebus comparatis Catilina nihilo minus in proximum annum[141] consulatum petebat, sperans, si designatus foret, facile se ex voluntate Antonio usurum. Neque interea quietus erat, sed omnibus modis insidias parabat Ciceroni. Neque illi tamen ad cavendum dolus aut astutiae deerant. Namque a principio consulatus sui multa pollicendo per Fulviam effecerat, ut Q. Curius, de quo paulo ante memoravi, consilia Catilinae sibi proderet. Ad hoc[142] collegam suum Antonium pactione provinciae[143] perpulerat, ne contra rem publicam sentiret; circum se praesidia amicorum atque clientium occulte habebat. Postquam dies comitiorum venit, et Catilinae neque petitio neque insidiae, quas consuli in Campo[144] fecerat, prospere cessere, constituit bellum facere et extrema omnia experiri, quoniam quae occulte temptaverat aspera foedaque[145] evenerant.

[141] Namely, for the year beginning with the first of January, B. C. 62. The elections took place about the middle of the preceding year, consequently, in the present instance, about the middle of the year B. C. 63. [142] Ad hoc is a common expression in Sallust for praeterea. [143] Pactione provinciae, by coming to an understanding with him about the provinces which were assigned to the consuls after the expiration of their year of office at Rome. Cicero had obtained by lot the lucrative province of Macedonia and exchanged it for Gallia Cisalpina, which had fallen to the lot of Antonius; but afterwards he declined the latter also, in order to be able to remain at Rome, which at that time was considered to be a sign that a man did not care for money—continentia abstinentia. [144] The Campus Martius, an extensive open plain between the city and the Tiber, was the place for the large assemblies of the people; that is, for the Comitia Centuriate, in which the consuls and praetors were elected. [145] Aspera foedaque might also have been expressed by the adverbs aspere foedeque, 'his attempts turned out unfavourably and disgracefully.' Compare Zumpt, S 682.

27. Igitur G. Manlium Faesulas atque in eam partem Etruriae, Septimium quendam Camertem[146] in agrum Picenum, G. Julium in Apuliam dimisit; praeterea alium alio, quem ubique opportunum sibi fore credebat. Interea Romae multa simul moliri, consuli insidias tendere, parare incendia, opportuna loca armatis hominibus obsidere, ipse cum telo esse, item alios jubere, hortari; uti semper intenti paratique essent, dies noctesque festinare, vigilare, neque insomniis neque labore fatigari. Postremo ubi multa agitanti nihil procedit, rursus intempesta nocte conjurationis principes convocat per M. Porcium Laecam, ibique multa de ignavia eorum questus, docet se Manlium praemisisse ad eam multitudinem, quam ad capiunda arma paraverat, item alios in alia loca opportuna, qui initium belli facerent, seque ad exercitum proficisci cupere, si prius Ciceronem oppressisset; eum suis consiliis multum officere.

[146] Camers, 'a native of Camerium,' (the capital of the Umbrians), for the inhabitants of that place were called Camertes. Picenum or ager Picenus, was the Roman territory on the Adriatic between the mouths of the rivers Aesis and Aternus with the capitals of Ancona and Asculum.

28. Igitur perterritis ac dubitantibus ceteris, G. Cornelius eques Romanus operam suam pollicitus, et cum eo L. Vargunteius senator constituere ea nocte paulo post cum armatis hominibus sicuti salutatum[147] introire ad Ciceronem ac de improviso domi suae imparatum confodere. Curius ubi intellegit,[148] quantum periculum consuli impendeat, propere per Fulviam Ciceroni dolum, qui parabatur, enuntiat. Ita illi janua prohibiti tantum facinus frustra susceperant. Interea Manlius in Etruria plebem sollicitare, egestate simul ac dolore injuriae novarum rerum cupidam, quod Sullae dominatione agros bonaque omnia amiserat, praeterea latrones cujusque generis, quorum in ea regione magna copia erat, nonnullos ex Sullanis colonis, quibus libido atque luxuria ex magnis rapinis nihil reliqui fecerant.

[147] Sicuti salutatum, 'as if to offer him his morning salutation,' for such a morning call before sunrise was a common politeness among the Romans. [148] Or according to the common orthography, intelligit.

29. Ea quum Ciceroni nuntiarentur, ancipiti malo permotus, quod neque urbem ab insidiis privato consilio longius tueri poterat, neque exercitus Manlii quantus aut quo consilio foret satis compertum habebat, rem ad senatum refert, jam antea vulgi rumoribus exagitatam.[149] Itaque, quod plerumque in atroci negotio solet; senatus decrevit,[150] darent operam consules, ne quid res publica detrimenti caperet. Ea potestas per senatum more Romano magistratui maxima permittitur, exercitum parare,[151] bellum gerere, coercere omnibus modis socios atque cives, domi militiaeque imperium atque judicium summum habere; aliter sine populi jussu nulli earum rerum consuli jus est.

[149] Exagitatam for agitatam; but the preposition ex gives to the word the idea of something brought out of its obscurity to light. The matter had already been discussed on the ground of certain rumours. [150] About decrevit, with the mere subjunctive, without ut, see Zumpt, S 624. [151] Parare should properly be parandi; but see Zumpt, S 598.

30. Post paucos dies L. Saenius senator in senatu litteras recitavit, quas Faesulis allatas sibi dicebat, in quibus scriptum erat, G. Manlium arma cepisse cum magna multitudine ante diem VI. Kalendas Novembres.[152] Simul, id quod in tali re solet, alii portenta atque prodigia[153] nuntiabant, alii conventus fieri, arma portari, Capuae atque in Apulia servile bellum moveri. Igitur senati[154] decreto Q. Marcius Rex Faesulas, Q. Metellus Creticus in Apuliam circumque ea loca missi; hi utrique[155] ad urbem imperatores erant,[156] impediti ne triumpharent calumnia paucorum, quibus omnia honesta atque inhonesta vendere mos erat.[157] Sed praetores Q. Pompeius Rufus Capuam, Q. Metellus Celer in agrum Picenum,[158] hisque permissum, uti pro tempore atque periculo exercitum compararent. Ad hoc, si quis indicavisset de conjuratione, quae contra rem publicam facta erat, praemium servo libertatem et sestertia centum, [159] libero impunitatem ejus rei et sestertia ducenta; itemque decrevere, uti gladiatoriae familiae Capuam et in cetera municipia distribuerentur pro cujusque opibus,[160] Romae per totam urbem vigiliae haberentur, iisque minores magistratus[161] praeessent.

[152] That is, 'on the 6th day before the 1st of November,' or on the 27th of October. In such computations with ante and post, the point of time from which the calculation begins is included. See Zumpt, S 867. But we here reckon according to the calendar such as it was subsequently reformed and rectified by J. Caesar. [153] Portenta are chiefly human beings or animals presenting at their birth anything abnormal or monstrous; prodigia, on the other hand, are strange phenomena in the heavens; and the superstition of the ancients regarded both as signs sent by the gods to warn men. [154] Senati for senatus. See Zumpt, S 81. [155] Hi utrique for horum uterque. Zumpt, S 141, note 2. [156] Both had received the military command (imperium) from the senate and people: Marcius Rex as proconsul of Cilicia, and Metellus for the purpose of subduing Crete. After their return from their provinces, they tarried for a time outside the walls of Rome (ad urbem), because, by entering the city, they would have lost their imperium, which they were anxious to retain until their solemn entrance in a military procession (the triumph), to which the senate had not yet given its sanction. Accordingly, as they were still generals in active service, they could legally be intrusted with the military command in the disturbed districts of Italy. [157] The intrigues of some influential members of the senate, who had either received bribes from the opponents of the two commanders, or expected some from the commanders themselves, prevented the resolution of the senate here alluded to. Respecting mos erat vendere, see Zumpt, S 598. [158] Supply to the two names of places missus est, which is implied in the preceding sentence. [159] Sestertia centum; that is, centum millia sestertiorum, or the ancient census of the citizens of the first class; for the neuter sestertia was used in calculations as an imaginary coin of mille sestertii or ten nummi aurei. [160] 'According to the means of every town.' As the Roman gladiators might easily be tempted to join in conspiracies, they were quartered at a distance from Rome, in the towns of a certain class of Roman citizens (municipia); and the citizens of such places were ordered to watch over those bands of gladiators, that they might not make their escape. Familiae, in its proper sense, signifies the whole body of slaves belonging to one master. [161] Minores magistratus are those officers who did not, by virtue of their office, become members of the senate. The quaestors, accordingly, did not belong to them, but they comprised the masters of the mint, the superintendents of the paving of the roads, and especially the superintendents of all matters connected with prisons, and the decemviri litibus judicandis.

31. Quibus rebus permota civitas atque immutata urbis facies erat; ex summa laetitia atque lascivia, quae diuturna quies pepererat, repente omnes tristitia invasit; festinare, trepidare, neque loco neque homini cuiquam satis credere, neque bellum gerere, neque pacem habere, suo quisque metu pericula metiri. Ad hoc mulieres, quibus[162] rei publicae magnitudine belli timor insolitus incesserat, afflictare sese,[163] manus supplices ad coelum tendere, miserari parvos liberos, rogitare, omnia pavere, superbia atque deliciis omissis sibi patriaeque diffidere. At Catilinae crudelis animus eadem illa movebat, tametsi praesidia parabantur et ipse lege Plautia[164] interrogatus erat ab L. Paullo. Postremo dissimulandi causa aut sui expurgandi, sicuti[165] jurgio lacessitus foret, in senatum venit. Tum M. Tullius consul, sive praesentiam ejus timens sive ira commotus, orationem habuit luculentam atque utilem rei publicae, quam postea scriptam edidit.[166] Sed ubi ille assedit,[167] Catilina, ut erat paratus ad dissimulanda omnia, demisso vultu, voce supplici postulare, 'Patres conscripti ne quid de se temere crederent; ea familia ortum, ita se ab adolescentia vitam instituisse, ut omnia bona in spe haberet; ne existimarent, sibi, patricio homini, cujus ipsius atque majorum plurima beneficia in plebem Romanam essent, perdita re publica opus esse, quum eam servaret M. Tullius, inquilinus civis urbis Romae.'[168] Ad hoc maledicta alia quum adderet, obstrepere omnes, hostem atque parricidam vocare. Tum ille furibundus: 'Quoniam quidem circumventus, inquit, ab inimicis praeceps agor, incendium meum ruina restinguam.'

[162] Quibus. Sallust more frequently uses the accusative in such expressions. See chapter 8. [163] Afflictare sese, 'they worried themselves.' The expression is properly used of that kind of grief which manifests itself in inflicting pain on the body, by pulling the hair, striking the breast or loins, or by throwing one's self on the ground. So also plangere denotes the physical expression of pain. [164] A law de vi enacted in the year B.C. 89, and aimed at those who might attempt by violence to subvert the existing constitution of the state. On the ground of this law Catiline had already been summoned before a court of law, though no formal charge had yet been brought against him. [165] Sicuti is here used for quasi, velut, or perinde ac si, 'as if.' [166] This is the first of Cicero's speeches against Catiline, which was delivered A.D. 6, Id. Novemb.; that is, on the 8th of November. [167] 'When he had sat down;' that is, when he had finished his speech, for those who spoke in the senate did so standing. [168] The imprudence of this speech, independent of the audacious denial of facts, consists in his boasting of his patrician descent, and in the insinuation that Cicero, who was born in the municipium of Arpinum, was only an alien at Rome, although in regard to political rights there no longer was any difference between patricians and plebeians, nor between the citizens of Rome and those of a municipium. Respecting the construction of opus est, with the ablative of a participle, see Zumpt, S 464, note 1.

32. Dein se ex curia domum proripuit; ibi multa ipse secum volvens, quod neque insidiae consuli procedebant et ab incendio intellegebat urbem vigiliis munitam, optimum factu credens exercitum augere ac prius quam legiones scriberentur, antecapere quae bello usui forent, nocte intempesta cum paucis in Manliana castra profectus est. Sed Cethego atque Lentulo ceterisque, quorum cognoverat promptam audaciam, mandat, quibus rebus possent opes factionis confirment, insidias consuli maturent, caedem, incendia aliaque belli facinora parent; sese propediem cum magno exercitu ad urbem accessurum. Dum haec Romae geruntur, G. Manlius ex suo numero legatos ad Marcium Regem mittit cum mandatis hujuscemodi:

33. 'Deos hominesque testamur, imperator, nos arma neque contra patriam cepisse, neque quo periculum aliis faceremus, sed uti corpora nostra ab injuria tuta forent, qui miseri, egentes, violentia atque crudelitate feneratorum plerique patriae, sed omnes fama atque fortunis[169] expertes sumus; neque cuiquam nostrum licuit more majorum lege uti,[170] neque amisso patrimonio liberum corpus habere, tanta saevitia feneratorum atque praetoris fuit. Saepe majores vestrum[171] miseriti plebis Romanae, decretis suis inopiae ejus opitulati sunt; ac novissime memoria nostra, propter magnitudinem aeris alieni, volentibus omnibus bonis, argentum aere solutum est.[172] Saepe ipsa plebes, aut dominandi studio permota, aut superbia magistratuum, armata a patribus secessit. At nos non imperium neque divitias petimus, quarum rerum causa bella atque certamina omnia inter mortales sunt, sed libertatem, quam nemo bonus nisi cum anima simul amittit.[173] Te atque senatum obtestamur, consulatis miseris civibus, legis praesidium, quod iniquitas praetoris eripuit, restituatis; neve nobis eam necessitudinem imponatis, ut quaeramus, quonam modo maxime ulti sanguinem nostrum pereamus.'

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